Liber Annuus

Psalm 51 is, for obvious reasons, the psalm most studied for its structural point of view, given the richness and regularity of its repetitions. This study re-proposes a thematic analysis based on its poetic division into two stanzas of four strophes each, in a perfectly balanced structure. This analysis results at least in two conclusions. The first is the need to integrate the final verse into the structure of the psalm, which is usually considered a secondary gloss regarding the sacrifices. The second is that the author of the psalm deliberately remade the psalm to fit the pre-sacrificial situation of David (“then”), and therefore the biographical title that is attributed to this king - despite being a midrashic addition - is wholly appropriate even from the exegetical point of view, and is almost the Davidic signature of the entire Psalter.

This article tries to specify the composition of the first section of the Book of Proverbs (chs. 1-9) and present a guide for its grammatic-syntactic reading, composition and meaning. Despite the textual difficulties and the different opinions of the interpreters, there is a strict consistency of style, language and contents (§ 1) in that section. The major units of that section are then identified (chs. 1-3 and 4-9, § 2.1), followed by the different opinions of the commentators (§ 2.2), the various speakers alternating in that section (§ 2.3), the three personifications of Wisdom in chs. 1, 8 and 9 (§ 2.4), and the literary genre of the personification of Wisdom (§ 2.5). The article tries to understand the text in its connections within the wisdom tradition of the Old Testament by examining various parallel passages in order to arrive at an overall figure of Wisdom, who leads to the good; and of Foolishness, who invites one toward evil and leads to death, and finally of the teacher of wisdom, who guides the development of the scenes appearing in chs. 1-9.

The concluding verses of the book of Malachi, namely 3:23-24, attribute a key role to Elijah in salvation. It is quite different from what one usually finds in the tradition which portrays him as a figure of a great intercessor in the company of Abraham, Moses and Jeremiah (1 Kgs 19). In this paper, the author highlights some significant relationships between these verses and the Book of the Twelve. They refer to the figure of the messenger, the theme of the covenant, the Day of Yahweh, the use of the verb šwb and the eschatological perspective of salvation. This study demonstrates the uniqueness of this passage and the extraordinary nature of the message it conveys, especially in relation to the idea of salvation offered through Elijah. By working on the concept of the day of the Lord, the redactor seems to have effected a re-reading of the book of the Twelve on the plan of salvation which is not linked to the concept of collective responsibility. It is not only offered to the remnant but is extended to all and without conditions.

This article presents the study of the use of the acute and grave accents of the oxytone words in relation to the spaces and other text-division signs found in the Gospel texts of the Codex B Vaticanus Graecus 1209, transcribed in the 4th century. The accents and aspirates of the codex were completed between the 9th and 10th centuries (the most commonly accepted period). The research concentrates on the following areas: 1) if the oxytone words followed by spaces have an acute or grave accent; 2) a return to the criteria that influenced the use of one or other of the accents; 3) an attempt is made to establish, on the basis of the use of the two accents, if and in what measure the person who put the accents interpreted and respected the above-mentioned signs of division, especially with regard to spaces and paragraphos.

This paper aims to examine the meaning of the sixth petition of the Lord’s Prayer in its context and in relation with James 1:13 in order to select the best Italian translation. Special focus has been put on the negation of a causative verb in Hebrew and Aramaic, its nuances and its translation into Greek. As a conclusion, the suggested Italian translation is “Fa’ che non cadiamo in tentazione”.

The paper describes two constructions which are widespread in the Greek text of the gospel of Mark: the historic present (149 occurrences) and the expression καὶ εὐθύς, “and suddenly” (25 occurrences). Both constructions are found in classical Greek as well, hence an influence of a foreign language cannot a priori be assumed. Both constructions, however, are used slightly differently in Mark than their use in classical and other biblical Greek texts. Their frequency and these differences on the one hand, and the widespread presence of semitisms - probably aramaisms - in Mark on the other hand, have let to the assumption of an Aramaic influence on these Greek constructions. The examination of different Aramaic texts - especially Biblical Aramaic (Daniel and Ezra) and the Peshitta of Mark’s gospel - enabled two Aramaic constructions to be isolated as possible parallels: a participle clause whose head is the participle in narrative contexts, and the Aramaic adverb (b)edayn, “then”.

Many scholars are reluctant to exploit the texts of the Mishnah and Rabbinic literature when it comes to specifying the background of a gospel passage. The refrain that often comes up is that those texts are late. They simply forget to distinguish between late writing and ancient tradition. The Infancy Gospel in Luke demonstrates very clearly how the treaties Yoma and Midot of the Mishnah are fundamental for the understanding of the Temple and the Priestly work in it. In fact, the relationship of Luke to Judaism remains essential to understanding its history of salvation. The first two chapters of his gospel, which begin at the Temple of Jerusalem are a privileged witness of the relation between the two stages of the covenant. The theme of the Temple also forms an inclusion in his gospel. We shall confine ourselves here to the analysis of the story of the announcement to Zechariah (Luke 1:5-23) to show his Jewish background.

This essay focuses on the so-called “great journey” of Jesus into Jerusalem according to the gospel of Luke (cf. Luke 9:51-19:44). It is studied according to the methodology of narrative analysis. The starting point is the account of the disciples of Emmaus (cf. Luke 24:13-35) - the final narrative framework - whereby the importance of the themes of the “journey” and “recognition” emerges. Then the account of the stages of the “great journey” in which the narrator informs the reader regarding the itinerary of Jesus to the holy city (cf. Luke 9:51; 13:22; 17:11; 19:28) is taken into account. Secondly, the statements of Jesus regarding his own destiny which forms part of the Sondergut of Luke (cf. Luke 12:49-50; 13:32-33; 17:25) is analysed. It appears that Jesus is presented in a double typology: that of the rejected prophet and that of the king. In the context of the Lukan macro-account, this typology serves the theme of “recognition”(ἀναγνώρισις), as is evident in the passion narrative (cf. Luke 23:27, 41, 47-48) and Easter stories.

Luke 9:51 commences the most distinctive and characteristic part of the third gospel. After a period of itinerant mission in Galilee, Jesus inaugurates his journey towards Jerusalem. Although scholars generally agree that the journey initiates when “the days for his (Jesus) being taken up were fulfilled” (9:51), there is little or no consensus regarding the end of the journey. This study evaluates various possibilities and proposes to set the limit of Jesus’ journey to Jerusalem at 19:46. The summaries of Jesus mission in Jerusalem (19:47 and 21:37) as well as the change of audience - disciples, and crowds in the journey section and chief priest and scribes in Jerusalem - support this conclusion. Luke is a two-volume work. The evangelist sets to write an account of the deeds of Jesus in orderly sequence after having investigated everything accurately. In doing this he made use of different narrative techniques: parallel presentation of events, geographical progress, repetitions and others. Jesus’ long journey to Jerusalem has its counterpart in the disciples’ mission to be “witnesses in Jerusalem, through Judea and Samaria, and to the ends of the earth” (Acts 1:8). The way Luke introduces the journey of the disciples echoes the beginning of Jesus’ own journey towards his passion, death and resurrection.

The criminal in Luke 23:42 is the only person in the whole NT who addresses Jesus by the proper name “Jesus” alone, without any further specification. This literary hapax in Luke’s gospel has been noticed by the exegetes, but a satisfactory explanation has not yet been given. Based on the fact of the name Ἰησοῦς and on the positive typology of Joshua’s leadership of his people into the Promised Land, the present essay aims to show that by this hapax, Luke had the intention of presenting a dying criminal as a voice expressing a high typology of Jesus’ eisodos into his kingdom.

In the 9 occurrences of the Fourth Gospel (John 3:36; 4:48; 6:30, 36; 11:40; 20:8, 25, 29bis), the verbal combination πιστεύω / ὁράω seems to correspond to a theological intention of the evangelist that contrasts the human logic of “believing to seeing” with the Christological project of “seeing to believing”through the repetition of the verbal pair. The study starts with the frequencies of the two verbs in pairs in the OT and NT, where we see a similar orientation in the gospel of John. A pattern emerges which is linked to the journey of faith and is evident in the stories in which the couple πιστεύω / ὁράω is found and finally summarized in the epilogue of the beatitude of John 20:29.

Research on the relationship between the Fourth Gospel and the Dead Sea Scrolls has made a significant progress, enlightening correspondences and differences. This article analyses the synonymic expressions in 4Q161 fr. 8-10,17- 25 and John 19:2-5 by applying the intertextual criteria proposed by M. Pfister. The study has revealed a meaningful background to the trial of Jesus, enlightening the relationship between kingship, conflict, priesthood and cult. The double level of the Johannine presentation of Jesus during the trial, shows an anointed king who establishes his kingdom and executing his victory and judgment without violence. It is possible to argue that a hypothetical reader of 4Q161 may have been able to recognise John’s messianic description, however, this does not necessarily mean an adhesion of faith.

The analysis of Gal 3:6-14 shows that the following passages can originally be attributed to Paul: Καθὼς Ἀβραὰμ ἐπίστευσεν τῷ θεῷ, καὶ ἐλογίσθη αὐτῷ εἰς δικαιοσύνην· (v. 6); γινώσκετε ἄρα ὅτι οἱ ἐκ πίστεως, οὗτοι υἱοί εἰσιν Ἀβραάμ (v. 7); προϊδοῦσα δὲ ἡ γραφὴ… προευηγγελίσατο τῷ Ἀβραὰμ ὅτι ἐνευλογηθήσονται ἐν σοὶ πάντα τὰ ἔθνη· (v. 8); ὥστε οἱ ἐκ πίστεως εὐλογοῦνται σὺν τῷ πιστῷ Ἀβραάμ (v. 9); Ὅσοι γὰρ ἐξ ἔργων νόμου εἰσίν, ὑπὸ κατάραν εἰσίν· γέγραπται γὰρ ὅτι ἐπικατάρατος πᾶς ὃς οὐκ ἐμμένει πᾶσιν τοῖς γεγραμμένοις ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ τοῦ νόμου τοῦ ποιῆσαι αὐτά (v. 10); Χριστὸς ἡμᾶς ἐξηγόρασεν ἐκ τῆς κατάρας τοῦ νόμου γενόμενος ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν κατάρα, ὅτι γέγραπται· ἐπικατάρατος πᾶς ὁ κρεμάμενος ἐπὶ ξύλου (v. 13); ἵνα τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν τοῦ πνεύματος λάβωμεν διὰ τῆς πίστεως (v. 14). The clues and sentences ὅτι ἐκ πίστεως δικαιοῖ τὰ ἔθνη ὁ θεὸς (v. 8a); ὅτι δὲ ἐν νόμῳ οὐδεὶς δικαιοῦται παρὰ τῷ θεῷ δῆλον, ὅτι ὁ δίκαιος ἐκ πίστεως ζήσεται· (v. 12); ὁ δὲ νόμος οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκ πίστεως, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ ποιήσας αὐτὰ ζήσεται ἐν αὐτοῖς (vv. 11-12), as well as ἵνα εἰς τὰ ἔθνη ἡ εὐλογία τοῦ Ἀβραὰμ γένηται ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ (v. 14a), however, constitute additions, which have been integrated into the text by an editor by way of “relecture”.

With the help of these additions the editor reinterpreted the Pauline argumentation, which aimed at the evidence of an Abrahamic sonship (Gal 3:7), towards a conception of a universal δικαιοσύνη of all people - the Jews as well as the Gentiles -, that is realized ἐκ πίστεως and revealed in the reception of the Holy Spirit. This new interpretation can be found for example in Rom 1-3, 4. Thus, he endeavours to integrate the contents of Gal 3:6-13 in the overall theological concept of the apostle, as it is presented - at least in its outline - in Romans. An intention like this can thoroughly be made plausible for an era in which the corpus Paulinum - at least in its first beginnings - was available as a collection of the apostle’s epistles and in which it has been used as a source of a theological teaching authority - a state, which for example 2 Pet 3:15-16 shows.

In James 1:17 there are many variants of the reading παραλλαγὴ ἢ τροπῆς ἀποσκίασμα adopted by the Editio Critica Maior of the Catholic Letters. The readings attested in 𝔓23, κ* and B were often considered syntactically weak because of the genitive ἀποσκιάσματος in place of the nominative case. The readings can be classified in two groups according to their meaning. An analysis of some of the patristic interpretations of the verse shows that the meaning conveyed by the majority text became prevalent during the 3rd to 5th centuries, having been employed in theological discussions about the immutability of the divine nature. The alternative meaning conveyed by κ* and B is best understood in light of certain gnostic teachings circulating in the 2nd and 3rd centuries, and is indicative of an older interpretation of the text. This reading, it is proposed here, should be adopted as it allows an explanation of how the other readings arose, while it also expresses a theological thinking that fits well in the context of James 1:16-18.

It can be said that superstition encompassed both popular and religious beliefs and played an important role in the lives of men and women in Antiquity and Late Antiquity, and indeed still does so today. It prevails in every milieu, indifferent to the poor or rich, the religious or secular, the educated or illiterate. The term superstition continued to be in use following the decline of paganism. With the rise of Christianity, Graeco-Roman rites were considered as superstitio. The fact that pagans and Christians regarded each other as superstitious indicates superstitio as lacking a theological content.

This article engages with superstition (deisidaimonia and superstitio), of which two types seem to exist. The first type is that arising from an unexpected occurrence (such as suddenly encountering a madman), which produces fear in the superstitious person who responds, for instance, by spitting into the bosom. Such superstitions reflect a counter-action, intended to avert disaster or harm. In other words, superstition in this case is the “other” to science; and often also ascribed to the religion of others. The second type relates to the effect of certain artefacts, such as written texts (incantations), amulets, beads, bells, coins, horoscopes, and so on, which are given a subjective superstitious character by their owners. These artefacts, some of which may be ready-made, are external elements that at some point acquire a superstitious nature.

Superstitions prevailed not only in paganism (Ancient Greece and Rome), Judaism and Early Christianity, but are widespread among other peoples and cultures too. These superstitions, possibly inherited from early traditions, reflect socio-cultural aspects with religious connotations, and continue to elicit interest and curiosity worldwide.

The present work is based on Greek (Theophrastus, Plutarch), Roman (Persius, Pliny the Elder, Cicero, Seneca, Tacitus, Suetonius), Jewish (Mishnah, Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmud) and Early Christian (Julius Africanus, Tertullian, Origen, Eusebius, Augustine) literary sources that deal with superstitions or superstitious elements. It demonstrates how superstition is reflected in ancient works of art, such as statues (Nemesis, Hekate and Herms) and mosaic pavements (Antioch). The study includes several personal experiences, as well as links to modern customs (spitting into the bosom, protective garlic, snake as a house pet, blue glass, etc.) that are survivals of ancient superstitions or superstitious customs. All these, even today, are still believed by many to have a prophylactic function against the evil eye or evil spirits.

In his work On Weights and Measures Epiphanius dated the beginning of the rebuilding of Jerusalem as Aelia Capitolina to 117 CE, immediately after Hadrian’s accession to the throne, but his chronology is usually ignored or dismissed as a mistake, in favour of the date of 130 CE, based on the narrative of Cassius Dio. However, recent excavations along and under the route of the eastern cardo of Aelia have indicated that preparation works for the infrastructure of the road were carried out in the early 2nd century, which led the excavators to the conclusion that the decision to rebuild Jerusalem was made by Hadrian shortly after he became emperor. This requires re-evaluating Epiphanius’ chronology, which appears to be sound and not in contradiction to the view that Hadrian inaugurated the new city in 130.

The recent archaeological excavations conducted in the Old City of Jerusalem in the vicinity of the Jaffa Gate revealed a number of significant ancient architectural features associated with assemblages of artifacts of exceptional importance for the research of Jerusalem. There was exposed a segment of the upper aqueduct found integrated with a Byzantine period city wall. There was also discovered a section of the Byzantine Decumanus, the main east to west street of the city. Above it stood a spacious building from the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods that may have included part of the western gate structure. The outer walls of the moat of the Tower of David’s Citadel came to light in its respective stages from the time that the medieval moat was first dug until the 12th century. Within it there were found the ruins of a part of the city wall that was demolished on the eve of the visit of the German Kaiser Wilhelm II and his wife in the year 1898, alongside modern remains from the Jordanian rule of the city. These finds shed fresh light on a number of central questions that have been discussed since the dawn of the research of Jerusalem in the 19th century, for instance, the route of the city wall, the system of roads and the water supply in the Second Temple, Roman and Byzantine periods.