Liber Annuus

In order to clarify the numerous problems of the Fourth Song of the Servant of the Lord (Is 53:13-53:12), it is necessary to evaluate the dynamics of the passage, to identify the speakers of the different sections and the perspective of the whole text on the basis of a correct analysis of the verbal forms, which as always constitute le vehicle of the information. The author proposes a chiastic division of the text: A) 52:13-15 // Aʼ) 53:10-12 Exaltation of the Servant, with God as the speaker in both units; B) 53:1-3 // Bʼ 53:7-9 Recalling his destiny, with the prophet and/or the community of believers as the speakers; C) 53:4-6 Final understanding on the part of the community. After examining problems of detail, particularly in 52:10-15, 53:1-2, 53:9 and 53:10b, the author tries to define the perspective of the whole text by evaluating the verb forms of the future in relationship to the verb forms of the past, especially the yiqtol in 53:7 and 53:10-12. The fact that the beneficial role of the Servant for both Israel and the “many / many nations” becomes effective after his death, even because of his death, opens astonishing horizons toward the future.

In this periodical, the Syriac versions of the texts of Amos, Jonah (LA 53) and Hosea (LA54) have already been published. The books of Joel and Obadiah have appeared on other publications. The project to publish the Twelve Minor Prophets has reached half way through with the publication of the book of Micah. The remaining books are already on their way and are expected to publish (complete) within next two years.

The critical study of Ps 72:5 has shown that the text is homogeneous in all the manuscripts, een in the Targum, the Syriac Version, Symmacus and Jerome. The Lxx tried to improve the text and to conform it to its context. The ipothesis of the dependance of the Lxx upon the Hebrew text has been analyzed in the second part. In the last part the parallel texts of Jer 26:20-23, 1K 1:41-53 and 1K 3:16-28 are taken into consideration. The verb YRAH of Ps 72:5 indicates the juridical power requested from the king to bring peace.

This paper studies the conditions in which segholate nouns appear in pausal form in Biblical Hebrew. There are three different groups of segholates: (1) The nouns of the first group have regular pausal forms at the end of the verse and in the middle of it when they are marked by atnah (in the prose books) or by ole we-yored; they have sometimes pausal forms when the middle of the verse is marked by other accents; otherwise, they are regularly in the context form. These Segholates are qatl forms or, less common, qitl. (2) The second group never has pausal forms. These are nouns of II vaw, III alef, III he, III vaw or nouns with three strong consonants in the qitl formation whose first consonant normally is not explosive. (3) The third group has pausal forms even in other positions within the verse, especially at the end of a grammatical sentence. Most of them are III yod or I alef qatl nouns. The second part of the paper studies further conditions for pausal forms of segholate nouns and of other words in the middle of the verse where they are not marked by prose atnah or by ole we-yored. If such verses have a pausal form, it is normally at the position marked by the accents as the middle of the verse. If they are marked by zaqef or poetic atnah, one finds normally pausal forms. Poetic atnah, which is not the middle of the verse, has normally pausal forms only of words other than segholates. In the middle of the verse marked by tifha there are sometimes pausal forms, but in short verses one finds only pausal forms of segholates.

Three questions have been studied in my essay. The first of those questions asked about the text-form(s) of Joshua 2 utilized by Josephus. My second opening question concerned Josephusʼ rewriting techniques in his Rahab story. Of these, the most conspicuous are probably his re-arrangements. Such re-arrangements affect both his placement of the Rahab-episode within its context. Likewise notable are Josephusʼ compressions and omissions of source material. At the same time, Josephus also adds to/expatiates on the Bibleʼs Rahab-account. A final category of Josephusʼ re-writing techniques comprises his modifications of the Bibleʼs presentation. What differences - I further asked in my second opening question between the biblical and Josephan Rahab-stories result from the historianʼs application of the above re-writing techniques? In my third opening question, I asked about the possible affinities between Josephusʼ version of the Rahab-story and the commentaries on it elsewhere in ancient Jewish and Christian tradition.

Codex Bezae which is considered a part of the western tradition presents a curious variant while speaking of the two disciples who left Jerusalem after the celebration of Easter. They went to Oulemaus, instead of Emmaus. The name Oulemaus is known in the Septuagint of Gen 28,19, a text about Jacob leaving Jerusalem and passing in Bethel-Luz where he had his vision of the ladder. The choice of codex Bezae is more theological than historical. Its aim is to present Jesus as the new Jacob to whom heaven are open. The first part of this essay studies the jewish traditions concerning Jacob; while the second concentrates on the expression “the opening of the eyes” which follows the eating and the blessing of the bread given by Jesus. The main conclusion is to challenge the conclusion of Epp who thought that the codex Bezae was anti-jewish. The example studied here permits us, on the contrary, to affirm that the author knew jewish traditions.

In his Onomasticon, Eusebius of Caesarea left valuable information for the future generations for locating the major biblical places in the Holy Land. In this monumental work, prepositions, especially pro/ß, are of major importance. The present article, primarily based on syntax, discusses the use of the preposition pro/ß in Onomasticon. The number of its occurrences, diversity of use, and its relation to specific places attract scholarly attention. The research uncovers that the use of this preposition in Onomasticon does not show discontinuity rather it is in line with its already known functions.

The Holy City of Jerusalem inspired a series of exegetical and theological speculations by the Rabbis and the early Christian community. Jerusalem is considered the “navel of the earth” in connection with the “foundation stone” of the entire universe. It was the point where God began the creation. For Christianity the place of Golgotha (Calvary) is the middle of the earth because “God... worked salvation in the midst of the earth” (Ps 73[74]:12). Alternatively, the Sepulcher of the Lord is in the middle of the Basilica of the Holy Sepulcher. To the place of Anastasis (Resurrection) were transferred all of the prerogatives of the ancient Jewish Temple. It became the center of the world. In Christianity the Holy City never lost its real signification. This is confirmed by the phenomenon of pilgrimage. In the various ancient representations the Holy Land was treated as a very special, even unique, geographical-historical object. The Madaba Mosaic is one of the most important and reliable sources for the reconstruction of the landscape of Palestine in the Byzantine period. From the beginning of the Crusades up to the 16th century, Jerusalem was placed at the very center of all world maps (mappamundi). The idea of the “navel of the world” was translated into the architectonic and liturgical symbolism in the churches.

At the beginning of the article I mentioned that although we are familiar with the different attitudes and approaches concerning Jerusalem in early Islam, we are not always able to assess the balance of their relative strength and significance, or to find their internal proportion. I believe that the role of the Umayyads was decisive in combining many elements of the different attitudes. Through their building activities in Jerusalem (but also through literary forms and contents) they had great significance for the original Muslim contribution (e.g., al-Aqsa Mosque). They also relied greatly on Jewish and Christian patterns, and they adopted Byzantine models in addressing (and utilizing) religious matters. This shows also that the cultural background of the different religious communities did not differ that much, and there was mutual exposure to ideas and customs. Here I have presented some different perspectives and interpretations of the Arabic texts on Jerusalem, especially regarding the preservation of foreign elements absorbed by Muslim culture. Some of the observations were treated in early articles of mine but occasionally in a different context. Emphasis lay on the early patterns that preceded Islam in Syria and Palestine.

This praise of Father Mario written in Rome, his city of adoption, becomes indirectly a praise of its native place. In the historical and biographical sources it is emphasized that the city of Calascio has given him his name. Today, at a distance of four centuries, it was my intention to honor this famous citizen in a scientific meeting dedicated to him. Father Mario, praised in the great city of Rome, has restituted with dignity the honor and reputation to his birth place; it is right therefore to honor his memory among the famous citizens.

This study considers the numerous written sources regarding the Holy Sepulcher, which supply useful elements to describe a probable conformation of the monument with the distribution of the main liturgical spaces that allow to date some of the most important restructurings that happened in the course of the centuries. In recent times, moreover, archaeological surveys and diggings have allowed, to identify the sequence and the material consistency of the several architectonic transformations. It was the reordering, the comparison, and the filological verification of all these data, all based on the resetting and the graphic representation of the contextual frameworks that provided the method and the aim of the present research. The critical reading of the previous studies and of the new surveys realized on the spot, have highlighted, in particular, the articulated number of the constructive stages, through which the complex of Constantine has been realized in the IV century. Therefore, the uninterrupted series of restorations have become evident along with the restructurings characteristic of the period between the destructions perpetrated by the Persians in 612 and the inauguration of the crusaderʼs work after the conquest of Jerusalem in 1099.

Master Pieter Coecke van Aelst executed the ink drawing which is now released from its anonymity. Furthermore, it has been proven that he made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem during the year 1533 or 1534. He can therefore be included in the list of the only few Old Masters who sighted the Holy Land with their own eyes in the 16th century. Moreover, he was one of the last pilgrim artists who could still witness the presence of the friars on Mt. Zion. It remains to be seen under what circumstances Hermann Borculus prepared his woodcut of Jerusalem in 1538 (see figure 9), in which Mt. Zion appears as well. As long as we are not sure about his own visit to Jerusalem, we were still puzzling who could have been possibly Borculusʼ source of inspiration.

The people of En-Gedi developed a unique and flourishing economy. Their economic success is expressed not only in the fine synagogue that they built in the center of their village, but also in the high level of construction of their houses. Mosaic floors were uncovered in some of the residential homes, a rare find in villages. Two hoards of gold coins found attest also to the successful commercial activity of some of the inhabitants of En-Gedi. This activity most probably focused on export of perfumes, medicines and Dead Sea Products (bitumen and salt), as well as date palm products (fruit and date honey). The end of the village in the late sixth or early seventh century apparently resulted from an attack by nomads. This phenomenon signals the beginning of the end of Byzantine rule in the east.

The latest findings of Neapolis are described here. We present some hypotheses for their dating on the base of the sources. If we accept the hypothesis that the illustration of Umm al-Rasas represents the main religious buildings of Neapolis, then during the year 785 A.D., (the dating year of the illustration), the main buildings were still standing. Therefore, they did not collapsed during the destructions made by the Samaritans (V-VI century A.D.); indeed the ʻporticatoʼ could have been erected during the restoration of emperor Justinian. Concerning to its destruction there is still a lot of uncertainty. It could have been done: in a period between the year 785 and 1100, if the affirmation of Conder and Kitchener is correct (i.e.”... the Crusader found the basilica in ruins”), in 1137 following the damages brought by the damascene troops; or in 1242 as a consequence of the fire set by the Templari.

Liturgical modifications, followed by architectural modifications in the church complex, did indeed take place in Eretz Israel in the early Byzantine period, but for the time being there is no evidence to indicate that these modifications were the direct result of a religious-ecclesiastical decree, binding for all churches. Therefore, it can be assumed that the discussed modifications were specific to a particular church or to the churches of a particular settlement, for which the circumstances demanded their implementation. Precisely when these modifications took place, whether during the sixth century, the second half of that century, and up to the beginning of the seventh century CE, cannot be determined.

In this contribution dedicated to the memory of Mons. Joseph Nasrallah, who always remained attached to his land of origin, we collect for the utility of the students the epigrafic discoveries that permitted us the updating of the episcopal lists of the dioceses of the four provinces during the bizantine period (Arabia Province and the three Palaestinae Provinces), limiting the research to the transjordan territory. We take as a base for this updating the book of R. Devreesse dated from the year 1945, and the historical-archaeological work of our archaeological mission in Jordan. The discoveries regard the Vth to the VIIIth centuries except the inscription of a bishop of Zoara in the valley of Araba dated from the IVth century.

Iconography of ships in mosaics comprises two fields, which when put together result in a unique subject, namely ancient ships and shipping, and mosaic making. The vessels depicted within the 8th century Nilotic frame mosaic in the Church of St. Stephen at Umm al-Rasas, Jordan, were not studied yet from the point of view of marine archaeology. These vessels are the subject of the following paper. They were not used as decorative motifs rather they are symbols of similar ancient vessels that sailed in the Nile and the Delta or along the Mediterranean coasts in antiquity.

A group of conoid and scaraboid seals from the Judea and Samaria regions dating from the 11th-9th century BCE was examined stylistically as well as geochemically. The group includes seven rare large seals, which are recorded here for the first time, and three common smaller ones presented for comparison. All exhibit cultic scenes, hunting scenes and zoomorphic motifs. The majority were produced from a local black, high bituminous chalk. However, the seals yield carbon contents higher than the natural stones, which led us to the assumption that oil was added deliberately. Our examinations have indicated that immersion in oil has technical advantages facilitating the engraving process. In addition, the culticreligious importance of anointing objects, as well as persons and places, during the Early Iron Age is discussed, raising the possibility that the seals also could have a cultic-religious significance.