Liber Annuus

Genesis 3:15 holds pivotal significance in biblical theology as it predicts enmity between the serpent and the woman’s offspring, foretelling victory over the serpent. But From a critical-textual perspective, it presents a series of issues when the various ancient textual texts are considered individually and when they are compared synoptically with each other. The present essay begins by highlighting how modern translations differ in interpreting the defeating figure: whether it represents a collective (humanity) or an individual (a Messiah). Than a closer text critical examination reveals distinct perspectives within the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin textual traditions. By exploring the nuances and issues of each witness (Masoretic Text, Old Greek, Vetus Latina, Vulgate, and Nova Vulgata), the essay illustrates how this case exemplifies the different (evolving?) interpretations of this unique biblical text, which will leave a significant legacy in subsequent religious, theological, and even artistic imagery over time.

This investigation examines the events at Sinai/Horeb as recounted in Exodus 19 – Numbers 10, focusing exclusively on the Yahwist (J) and Elohist (E) sources. While these sources exhibit distinct stylistic and thematic emphases, the analysis confirms the working hypothesis that both J and E are fundamentally shaped by six identifiable criteria of textual composition. This finding supports the proposition that both sources within the Exodus 19 – Numbers 10 narrative originated from a shared socio-cultural milieu and likely emerged within a relatively close temporal proximity. Consequently, the textual segments attributed to J and E within this narrative can be characterized as a “source compilation.”

This paper offers a detailed exegesis of the epilogue of the book of Ecclesiastes (12:9-14), with special attention to the most debated points regarding its interpretation. Such an exegesis makes it possible to address the long-standing question regarding the redaction of the passage and to assess whether this is the work of an epilogist who wanted to correct or at least mitigate the most problematic or “scandalous” aspects of the book with the intention of bringing it back into the mainstream of Israel’s traditional wisdom, as is the opinion of a good number of exegetes. Such a pre-understanding often guides such exegetes in the interpretation of the passage’s most difficult expressions. Although it is difficult to determine whether the epilogue of Ecclesiastes is the work of another hand, on the basis of the exegesis we have offered, supported by various recent studies, it must be concluded, contrary to the above opinion, that the epilogue, far from being in dissonance with the whole book, should be read in its light and, in turn, illuminates the deep intent of the whole work.

In biblical research there is a great deal of discussion about intra-biblical connections, mostly with an emphasis on parallelism and a new interpretation given by the secondary source to words or expressions taken from the first source. This article focuses on intra-biblical homily, when prophets, like much later sources, take words and phrases from the Pentateuch or other earlier biblical text, sometimes even from a genealogical list, and use them as a literary tool to express ideas that are very far from their original meaning. These findings have a significant impact on questions of the dating of the Bible and its components.

The purpose of this article is to present to the Italian-speaking reader the exegetical interpretation of the entire book of Ruth made by a native-speaking medieval scholar who knew the biblical text and the holy language in a masterly manner. The attentive reader will realize that several interpretations of Ibn Ezra remain relevant to this day.

In the last few decades, scholars have dedicated much attention to the overall portrayal of women in Luke-Acts. They have pointed out their prominent role. All this attention given to women in Luke-Acts begs questions on the origin of those episodes and the sources used by Luke in composing his male-female episodes. The present study takes into consideration a well-known passage, the healing of the woman in the synagogue (13:10-17). While this passage has been studied by various scholars, the author aims to apply narrative criticism to reveal the hidden gems of the passage that the historical-critical approach might have overlooked. It also challenges the traditional way of reading that particular story. It contends, among others, that the complement of time ἐν τοῖς σάββασιν (13:10) should be understood as plural and not as a singular. The words of the indignant leader of the synagogue who opposes the healing on the Sabbath seem to confirm this hypothesis. The study also demonstrates that the double parable teaching, the parable of the Mustard Seed (13:18-19) and the parable of the Yeast (13:20-21), that follows immediately the healing are integral part of the preceding story just like another parable teaching (14:7-24) follows the healing of the man with dropsy (14:1-6).

The article offers a comparison of two communities in time of crisis, Qumran and Revelation, through the study of a common language and corresponding images. In both groups, the same expressions are found speaking of the prophetic role in their respective communities and the same dynamics to counter dissidents and supporters of false prophecy. The common abandonment of the Temple liturgy leads both congregations to use an ethical meaning of the ancient rites, with a Christological nuance in the Churches of the Apocalypse. The desert, for the two groups, appears as the ideal place in which to live the experience of faith, under the attacks of the Devil, but protected by divine interventions.

The issue of the translation of Old Testament quotations in the Old Syriac Gospels (Vetus Syra) has accompanied research on this version of biblical text since the beginning. The general tendency was to recognize some influence of the Peshitta of the Old Testament on the rendering of the biblical quotations in the Vetus Syra and this position has remained ‘dominant’ for a long time. The research carried out in recent years however has led to a change in perspective, given that some scholars have reconsidered different conclusions of their predecessors. At the current state of research it no longer seems possible to speak of a ‘massive’ or extensive influence of the Peshitta of the Old Testament on the translation of biblical quotations in the Vetus Syra, although this influence should not be completely denied. This conclusion is also strengthened by the proposed article which deals with the translation of the quotations from the Old Testament in John’s Gospel in the Vetus Syra.

The comparative archaeological examinations of the subsequent circumvallation siege walls around Machaerus and Masada, built by the Legion X Fretensis in AD 72 and 73, raised an obvious question: Would it be possible to reconstruct the similar circumvallation siege wall as well, that was built around Jerusalem in AD 70 by the same Roman army? After the 2023 publication of the western part of the Third Wall of Jerusalem, together with the archaeological remains of an in situ AD 70 battlefield, we measured the length of the complete city-wall of Jerusalem before its destruction: it was 33 stadia (6105 meter), exactly corresponding to the data, given by Josephus. Taking into consideration the geomorphological surroundings of Jerusalem, the required and described minimum two-stadium (ca. 370 m) distances between the city- and the siege-walls, and finally the military data provided by Josephus, we were able to reconstruct the reliable line of the surrounding siege wall around Jerusalem, built upon the command of Titus. We used our digital mapping device and professional GPS and GIS (Global Positioning System and Geographic Information System) units on the field, accurate to 10-centimeter- certainty, on the former circumvallation line of Titus, in ca. two stadia distance around the Old City and the Third Wall. The siege wall, according to Josephus, incorporated the General Headquarters and 13 military garrisons that were complemented by the 39 stadia (7215 meter) long circumvallation wall, located between them. The contemporary archaeological analogies and architectural parallels in Machaerus and Masada were essential to understand the Jerusalem AD 70 siegeworks.

Two centuries of pagan Aelia Capitolina’s urban transformation remain one of the most mysterious periods in history of Jerusalem and Roman Palestine. Despite scarcity of sources, historians and archaeologists used to create numerous interpretations of Aelia’s shape, often lacking sufficient evidence. This article presents an original solution to the question of Aelia’s layout, using a wide scope of archaeological material and inscriptions. In my opinion the southeastern district of Aelia played a significant role from at least the 3rdcentury, 200 years before the construction of the so-called Eudocia’s wall. The reconstruction of the street layout in this paper is based on assumption that the main cardo of pagan Aelia was the eastern, not the western one, thus creating an approximately symmetrical grid together with the alleged central decumanus. This paper is skeptical as to soundness of basing the reconstruction of the shape of pagan Aelia on the Madaba Map.

Aim of the contribution is the presentation of the results of the 2024 archeological excavations conducted by a team of the University of Rome Sapienza inside the Basilica of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, as part of a project to restore the floor of the complex. Investigations covered areas of the entrance, the south-eastern deambulatory, the Franciscan possession. These findings contribute to the reconstruction of the archaeological history of the towns and the architectural phases of the Holy Sepulchre complex. The 2024 research provided greater elucidation above all the pre-Christian phases of the complex, as well as bringing to light more specific subsequent contexts. It has been confirmed that the quarry extends over the entire area of the current church and may be found everywhere below the later structures; its exploitation appears prolonged in time. Some reflexions on the Roman topography of the area of the Holy Sepulchre are proposed and some hypotheses are moved forward the constitution of the Christian complex. The long life of the Holy Sepulcher emerges, with constructions and reconstructions over the centuries.

In autumn 2021, researchers of the Israeli Antiquities Authority conducted a photographic survey to document all the inscriptions and graffiti on the walls of the Cenacle – the traditional site of the Last Supper taken by Jesus and the Apostles before the Passion. The combination of multi-spectral photography and Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI) enabled the rediscovery of several epigraphic elements that were too faded or worn to be seen with an untrained eye. Initially 30 written inscriptions and nine images, including five coats of arms, were identified. Having deciphered and read these, we attempted to link them with concrete historical figures. For the sake of comparison, we also considered several further inscriptions and heraldic elements from other parts of the Holy Compound on Mount Sion. With some notable exceptions, the great majority of the graffiti dates to the period when the Cenacle was the focal point of a Franciscan monastery which served as the original seat of the Custodia Terrae Sanctae. Among the most important and moving discoveries were: an inscription that might allude to the Christmas pilgrimage of King Hetoum II of Cilicia; an autograph of the 15th century German pilgrim author Johannes Poloner; and the coat of arms of the Swiss national hero, Adrian I von Bubenberg. Although not all inscriptions could be related to a concrete person, when considered as a whole, the graffiti assemblage provides valuable evidence of the origin of the pilgrims who visited Mount Sion and the Monastery. These included Armenians, Czechs, Italians, and Serbs. The largest single group, comprising around half of all visitors, were Arabic-speaking Eastern Christians. The Cenacle’s inscriptions are an invaluable reminder of the diversity of the Christian pilgrimage to late medieval Jerusalem.

Eleven complete glass vessels were unearthed in two of the subterranean complexes at Horbat Susya, in the rural southern Judaean Hills. The vessels comprise a unique, homogeneous group, sharing shapes and mold-blown decorations. This article investigates their features, dating and origin, and their presence at a rural settlement in medieval times. The observations attained may promote a fresh view on populations and their material culture in remote rural settlements in other parts of the country and in other times.

This paper presents the results of the first excavation campaign conducted by the Pontifical Institute of Christian Archaeology (PIAC) at the monastic site of the Shepherds’ Field (Beit Sahour, Palestine). The project is made possible by an agreement with the Custody of the Holy Land and also has the approval of the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities of Palestine. The project aims to enrich scientific knowledge, through archaeological investigations, of the monastery built on the site where, according to the Gospel of Luke, an angel announced the birth of the Saviour Jesus Christ to the shepherds, but also to contribute to its protection and enhancement. During the first excavation campaign, which is presented here, the PIAC team concentrated on the liturgical area of the monastery, already partly investigated by Father Virginio C. Corbo in the 1950s, partly confirming the insights of the great Franciscan archaeologist and partly bringing significant novelties. The aim in the coming years will be to extend the investigations to areas of the monastery that have not yet been excavated.

As part of a three-year research project on late antique Christian sites in the Galilee, funded by the Israel Science Foundation (ISF), we conducted excavations at four church sites. While the findings from two of these sites have already been published, this paper presents the results of investigations at the remaining two: Ḥorvat Gilon and Ḥorvat Ḥesheq. At Ḥorvat Gilon, previously known only through surveys, our excavation revealed the architectural framework of a three-apsidal church, featuring remnants of a mosaic floor. A partially preserved inscription near the main entrance provided valuable insights into the local ecclesiastical administration and on the approximate date of the church’s construction. Based on the findings, we propose that the site was a rural monastery. At Ḥorvat Ḥesheq, which has been subject to excavation and publication back in the 1990s, our work focused on the northern apse. This effort uncovered an additional significant inscription, reinforcing the hypothesis that this was a private family rural church. Furthermore, the discovery of a previously undocumented chapel adjacent to the northern wall added a new dimension to our understanding of the site. These excavations have significantly enhanced our knowledge of rural society and ecclesiastical organization in late antique Galilee. The findings contribute to a broader understanding of local Christian practices and architectural traditions during this period.

A short and damaged dedicatory inscription in Christian Palestinian Aramaic was discovered on a mosaic during the last season of excavation (1978) at Shelomi in Western Galilea some 2 km south of the Lebanese border. The dating is to the year 780 of the era of Tyre, i.e. AD 654, to the third phase of occupation of the building – a farm estate owned by a monastery. An additional Greek inscription dates from the year 736, i.e. AD 610, the second phase of construction, destroyed by the Persians and their local allies in AD 614-617. The inscription’s importance is accordingly clear, not only for the attestation of this type of Aramaic in Galilee, but also for dating the Byzantine pottery and the history of the site.

Two short Greek funerary inscriptions from the Byzantine period, bought by Jean Starcky during his stay at the École biblique et archéologique française as editor of the Dead Sea Scrolls, and left among his belongings in the cellar of the school, are still unedited. Starcky had the intention to join them with the other objects of the small Musée Bible et Terre Sainte at the Institut Catholique of Paris. The inscriptions are said to come from the area around Lake Bardawil.

After a certain period, which cannot be exactly defined, the Torah of Moses was conceived of as one textual unit that was copied in the same way even if it was included in separate scrolls because of technical constraints. It seems that the earliest period that may be established for the textual unity of the Torah is the date of the LXX (probably 285 BCE), since its harmonizing pluses, a secondary textual feature, are evenly spread in all the books of the Torah. How long before that time the textual unity of the Torah may be pushed back is unknown. We suggest that this phenomenon derives from the Hebrew source of the LXX, not from the Greek translators. Obviously, at an earlier stage, the Torah was a disharmonious literary document, but this study does not present a statement on the status of the Torah as a literary document. The textual unity was spotted in the tradition of MT, SP, as well as the LXX, so that it existed across the board. Textual unity should be considered an approach and it was natural that such an approach developed because the five books of Moses are bundled as one book, traditionally ascribed to the figure of Moses. If the reference to Ezra’s holding the book of the Torah in his hands in the mid-fifth century is correct (Neh 8:2), as early as that period scribes could have been encouraged to treat the five books of Moses similarly.

The post-priestly editor has brought together in Dt 31–34 all traditions related to Moses legacy, summarizing them in the writing of the Torah and the narration of Moses’ death. The two events are closely linked not only in temporal terms but especially in theological terms. Having announced and written the Torah, Moses himself becomes a listener; Yhwh calls him to enter into death, not into the Promised Land! Moses’ response is immediate and is the song of blessing for divine work on behalf of the tribes (Dt 33); but in this history of grace, he also sees above all his own history. Thus, Moses will no longer need to enter physically into the Promised Land because with his death he will enter the very land of God, that is, into eternal communion with him.