Liber Annuus

The author emphasizes the fact that the true characteristic of the monotheistic God of DtIs is that He is perceived as the God of all peoples and not only of Israel. The privileges of Israel including the monarchic-messianic one, must be re-evaluated from a new point of view, that no longer excludes non-Jews from salvation. Only from this universal viewpoint, is it possible to understand how a non-Jew, Cyrus, could have been chosen by God as an instrument of salvation, without removing the key position from Israel.

The four poems of the Lord’s Servant were originally independent. This was not only because of critical-literary reasons, but also based on the content, for example where the Servant is not Israel but rather the Redeemer of Israel, as can be clearly seen in the fourth poem and also in the second one (in 49,5). The first two are clearly opposed to Cyrus and they are inserted just before the passages that refer to him. They indicate that now the true Mediator of salvation is not the Persian Emperor but rather the Messiah. The last poem describes the fruit of the messianic suffering, until death and burial. Its insertion at the end of the entire book is a wonderful solution to the problems, anxieties and hopes of the book that becomes the key and the conclusion of the entire message of DtIs.

The four criteria that guide this reading of the Book of Wisdom (Wis) — vocabulary, grammatical and syntactic texture, literary genre and meaning — are the same that along the years guided the author’s research on the OT wisdom literature, a corpus unfortunately almost totally ignored by interpreters of Wis, who instead analyze this book essentially from the point of view of Hellenism. The main genre of Wis is instruction, with an introduction (direct appeal and exhortation), followed by contents of the instruction. Sub-genres of the OT wisdom instruction are self-presentation of the instructor and antithesis wicked-just, or similar.

On the basis of these criteria Wis. has two main sections, chs. 1-5 and 6-19, a proposal that differs from all the modern ones.

The first section consist of: ch. 1, introduction; and chs. 2–5, contents of the first instruction, structured as follows: A) life on earth and life after death (2,1–3,9); B) wife and descendants (3,10–4,6); B1) long life (4,7–14a); A1) God’s final judgment (4,14b–5,23). The antitheses impious-righteous cross the first section.

The second section consists of: chs. 6–9, introduction, with invitation (ch. 6), and self-presentation and the model experience of ‘Solomon’ (chs. 7–8,9); chs. 10–19, contents of the second instruction, structured as follows: A) ch. 10: a reflection on the activity of Wisdom in the history of humanity until the exodus from Egypt; B) chs. 11–12, linked to ch. 10: a reflection on the journey of the Israelites in the desert under the guidance first of Wisdom, then directly of God, with two antitheses Israelites-enemies (Egyptians and Canaanites); C) chs. 13–14, linked to ch. 12: a reflection on the foolishness of idolatry; C1) 15,1-13: two units of transition from the topic of idolatry (cf. C) to that of the antitheses between people of God-idolaters (cf. B); B1) 15,14–19,21: reflection on the foolishness of the Egyptians, the idolaters par excellence, on the plagues and the passage of the Red Sea, with seven antitheses Egyptians-Israelites; A1) 19,22: God has always benefited his people. In conclusion, Wis shows a strong compositional coherence and communicates a wonderful message on the dignity of the human being, a message that, although not fully perceived by scholars, reaches its fulfillment in Christ.

The text of Jn 13:10 presents essentially two variant readings: the brevior one, preferred by many exegetes, does not mention the foot-washing, the longior one contains the foot-washing. This reading is supported not only by the majority of manuscripts, but also by the archaeological findings of the ritual baths (miqwa’ot), testifying to the Jewish practice of pursuing ritual purity through the entire body bath and moreover through the foot-washing. This reading goes together in a pertinent way with Jesus’ act.

The author of this article shows that the Yahwist’s narrative about Garden of Eden and fall of man (Gen 2:4b-3:24) contains motifs and threads, that also appear in John’s story, describing events at the open tomb (Jn 20:1-18). Among these motifs and threads are for example: the motif of the garden, God in the role of a gardener, the motif of cognition, the themes of vision, search, garments, names, heavenly beings, and swords. The functioning of these motifs and threads in the mentality of Ancient Near East allows one to indicate their main meaning in both texts and causes, so that in the light of them the interpretation of the Resurrection of our Lord can be enriched by symbolic implications.

On the assumption that, to establish the rhetoric structure or dispositio of the Letter to the Colossians, it needs to insist “on the gnoseological dimension of faith in Christ”, the article seeks first of all to solve some preliminary problems: to delimit the extent of the exordium: Col 1,1-2 + 1,3-8 and to establish with rigour the propositio: Col 1,9b and its partitio: Col 1,10-11. With the help also of the literary structure of the various parts, it delimits the probationes (Col 1,12-20; 1,21-2,5; 2,6-15; 2,16-23) with which the propositio is demonstrated, it establishes if exists also a sub-propositio in Col 3,1-4 and its probationes (Col 3,5-17; 3,18-4,1); finally, it concludes with the delimitation end treatment of the peroratio (Col 4,2-6 + 4,7-18).

The Greek verbal system (especially that of Ancient Greek) is at the center of attention for grammar scholars and linguists. The proof is the extensive amount of scientific publications regarding this topic. In the last ten years theories such as the psychological, temporal, pragmatic and spatial have been formulated as an alternative to the traditional verbal aspect theory.

This research paper summarizes and discusses the fundamental points of the Aspect theory proposed by C.R. Campbell in his recent monograph on the Verbal Aspect of the Indicative Mood.

This study of the construction ἄρα οὖν is focused on seeking a definition based on systemic linguistic methodology. The relevance of studying this construction can be seen from the citations that refer to it in recent Pauline and NT studies. Because particles lack inflection, this eliminates the possibility of studying particles without consideration of usage. Judgments must be made on the basis of a “fuzzy logic” that considers both. Several contributions to the definition of ἄρα οὖν are considered.

This study investigates how the lexis of translation processes occurs in the Greek Bible and the Jewish-Hellenistic literature. The Hebrew Bible mentions a written translation only in Esr 4,7 and hints at the figure of an ‘interpreter’ in Gen 42,23. The Greek Bible, on the contrary, is itself a witness to the translation activity and presents some related passages in the sections written in Greek (Dan LXX 5,1; Ester Add. F,11; 2 Mac 1,36). It also makes a comment about translating the Holy Scripture and the ensuing difficulties (see the Greek Prologus to Sirach). To express the translation activity in Hellenistic Greek, besides the semantic group of ηρμενεύω ‘interpret’, already operative in the classical language, there are some words whose original sense is more generic; these words are mainly used in the passive diathesis. Verbs like μεταγράφω ‘transcribe’, μετάγω ‘transfer’, μεταλλάσσω ‘change’, μεταβάλλω ‘throw into a different position’, μεταλαμβάνω ‘exchange/substitute’, μεταβιβάζω ‘carry over/transfer’, μεταφέρω ‘transfer/change’; μεταφράζω ‘paraphrase’ frequently occur in the Jewish-Hellenistic literature, with some semantic innovations as well. A quick survey of the earliest evidence for the many roots in the Greek literature introduces the in-depth analysis of the texts from the Greek Bible. The analysis of the Letter of Aristeas, the fragments of Aristobulus and Artapanus, the Old Testament apokrypha, Philo of Alexandria, NT and Flavius Josephus will follow. The passages containing relevant expressions related to ‘translation’ have been selected from these works in order to grasp the different semantic nuances of various lexemes, specially when more roots occur in the same context. The analysis of this kind of vocabulary also mirrors the different attitudes towards the Septuagint text and its relations with the Hebrew: it also bears witness to different moments in the history of the Septuagint text because the excerpts often deal with the undertaking of the Septuagint version (Letter of Aristeas, De vita Mosis II, 25-44; Antiquitates Iudaicae XII, 11-114). Tradition in translation results from issues inside the plurilingual Judaism converging on the cultural milieu of Ptolemaic Egypt.

The aim of this article on Jewish interpretation of the Canticle is to study an aspect of the Covenant theology known as the nuptial motif. Early Jewish understanding of the Canticle was literal and allegorical as the Tannaitic literature and the Targum have it. The nuptial motif present also in the New Testament and in the writings of the Church Fathers must be explained in the light of the early Jewish understanding of the marriage between God and Israel as portrayed in the Bible and in Jewish Literature. Many themes are linked to this subject such as the Garden of Eden, Mount Sinai and the Temple built on Mount Moriah. In later texts polemics between the Synagogue and the Church are responsible for different readings of the theme.

Gen 20,1-18 and 21,22-34 relate a series of interactions between Abraham and the Philistine King Abimelech. This essay offers a detailed discussion of Josephus’ retelling of the biblical pericopes in his Ant. 1.207-212 that also takes into account other early Jewish treatments of the material. From the comparison, the following distinctive features of Josephus’ version emerge. He drastically abridges and rearranges the content of his source. His rewriting highlights the parallels between Abraham’s Philistine marital adventure and his earlier, similar experience in Egypt (see Gen 12:10-20), even as it accentuates the happening’s erotic dimensions. Sarah’s role in the proceedings is somewhat diminished, while the conflictual character of Abraham and Abimelech’s dealings with each other is downplayed. Finally, Abimelech comes off as more pious than Abraham himself since he alone invokes the Deity; conversely, Josephus, notably, denies Abraham the title “prophet” that Gen 20:7 accords him.

Mur 174 is a Hebrew I.O.U. document, i.e. a debt acknowledgment. The fragmentary document allegedly has been found in the Wadi Murabba‘at caves. It is in the museum of the SBF since 1962, but has never been studies systematically. Although the document is poorly preserved, most of the text can be reconstructed on the basis of similar documents. The document is dated to the 2nd of Tevet. The portion recording the year is not preserved; it may be reconstructed as the 2nd year of the Redemption of Israel, i.e. 133 CE. The name of the lender can be deciphered as Shim‘on, son of Yehudah. The name of the borrower is lost, but we know that he came from Tekoa‘. The borrowed sum was 25 zuzin/dinars or 6 sela‘in/tetradrachms and 1 zuz. The language is the same Hebrew dialect containing some Aramaisms, which is found in other legal documents of that time and area.

The church of Khirbet el-Lauz, like several thousand other historical and archaeological features throughout the Palestinian occupied Territories, has been excavated illegally during the last few decades. The plundering of the church was carried out by many looting gangs over a period of some 100 days, using traditional excavation equipment, metal detectors, and heavy machinery in order to find valuables. The looting activities resulted in the mining of intact archaeological objects, destruction of the well-stratified layers, and at several spots demolition of the ancient construction. The unearthed part of the church during this excavation campaign consists of approximately one-third of a huge building totaling about 600 square meters in area. Both the visible results of the excavation and interviews with the looters indicate that the floors of the whole building are paved with mosaic of various colors and motifs.

A new dolmen field was discovered in the Hoebah region in the Sayl Haydan, Jordan, during the recent survey of the ‘Ataruz-Sayl Haydan region. Subsequent surveys and soundings were carried out and the results show that the Hoebah dolmen field is likely to be Early Bronze I, and most of the dolmens are oriented toward the north, the northeast, the east, or the southeast. This dolmen field seems to constitute one of the southernmost dolmen clusters in Jordan. The findings shed light on the geographical distribution of early dolmen emergence in Jordan and the potential for dolmen orientations to help researchers understand religious and cultural beliefs behind Jordanian dolmen construction beyond the Hoebah dolmen field.

Roman rings with miniature “sculptural bezels” - a product of an early Roman workshop in Caesarea Maritima. A group of Roman period rings with miniature sculptured bezels depicting Egyptian deities was identified as a product of Roman Egypt by Karo (1901), Marshall (1907, reprint 1969) and others. The conclusion that these rings were initially made in Roman Egypt is accepted by some later scholars (Segal 1938; Leclant 1971). Other scholars, such as Hornbustel identified most specimens as provincial Roman pieces dating above all from the Severan period (later 1st-2nd century CE). Hornbustel suggested that under the Severans these rings were fairly common in Western Europe, and identifies their owners as private people or soldiers of the middle to lower classer (Hornbustel 1973). The origin of most published rings is hard to ascertain - some come from known regions, even from a specific site; but the provenance of many is unsecured.

Three new pieces of this ring type were found on the site of Caesarea Maritima; a fourth is said to come from the same site; and two others were acquired in Israel. Observations show that the initial prototypes for this ring type were indeed fashioned in Roman Egypt, by a workshop (or workshops) specializing in manufacturing gold rings, above all for religious patrons. Furthermore, that a workshop located in Caesarea Maritima in the late 1st century BCE to the 2nd century CE specialized in the production of this unique type of sculptured bezel rings. This Caesarean workshop probably played a part in the dispersion of this ring type into the Western Roman provinces.

The few written testimonies that survive to this day, speak about a male monastery and a female monastery that were founded in Bethlehem near the area of the Nativity already in the time of Jerome and Paula. However the various thesis proposed by many scholars do not agree as to where they were actually located. It may be argued that the history of the latin convent near the Nativity was rather tied to the presence of the Canons Regular of Saint Augustine (initially) and then the Friars Minor (later) and more generally to the Crusader events. The constructions and the progressive enlargement of the main sections was closely connected with the two religious Orders, charged with both officiating the latin rite in the Basilica (the Friars Minor continue to do this until this day) and of taking care of the structure itself (mostly built by the Crusaders) but also largely restructured by the Franciscans. Therefore, in rebuilding (together with literary sources) and studying the various parts (together with archaeological and monumental aspects) it is possible to rebuild its history.

The article examines the function of the Brook of Egypt in the formulae of the southern border of Canaan. Since the greek translation of the Old Testament (LXX) and the Byzantine tradition (Eusebius’ Onomasticon, and the Madaba Mosaic Map), the border is identified as the wadi el-Arish.

But the recent studies by N. Na’aman, P.K. Hooker, Y. Levin, K.D. Hutchens, J.C. de Vos, have brought forth new light on this subject. The Biblical texts (the Brook of Egypt) and the Neo-Assyrian sources (nahal mat Musur) suggest the identification of two different brooks in the southern region of Gaza: the wadi Azzeh (Nahal Besor) and the wadi el-Arish. It is reasonable to think that in the first stage of the history of this border the wadi Azzeh was considered to be a physical limit for the territory of Judah (Josh 15:1-4) and of Canaan. But after the military campaigns of Asharradon (7th century BCE) the border was transferred to the wadi el-Arish, some 75 km south. In addition, the redactional history of Josh 15:1-4 and Num 34:1-6 points to the literary dependence of the latter on the former. Other biblical formulations of the southern border of the Land of Israel try to adapt the concept of the Promised Land to a new political realitiy, as formulated by the Assyrian and the Persian empires.

The present article is divided in two different sections. Our aim in the first section is to identify the deity names Χαρι and Ναζαία as possible transcriptions of both the pre-Islamic Yarīš and Nasr. On the other hand, the second section contains a remark on the toponym Ḥumaymah, which to our knowledge has been inappropriately related to the geographical name Ḥawwārah.

Clay pipes constitute an attractive class of artifacts given their prominence in the relatively recent archaeological record, their decorative richness, their usefulness in dating, their testament to tobacco production and type of consumption, and the manner in which they reflect the socioeconomic status of their users. Until recently, most archaeologists who have conducted excavations at historical sites of the Late Islamic period have either partly or entirely neglected the significance of Ottoman pipes in their publications. It is not surprising, therefore, that detailed studies on Ottoman clay tobacco pipes are quite rare. Nevertheless, studies of clay pipes in general can be traced to the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when many journals and archives concerned with such artifacts were established in Europe and America, including the following: The Archaeology of Clay Tobacco Pipes, Society for Clay Pipe Research Newsletter, Historic Clay Tobacco Pipe Studies, and National Clay Tobacco Archive, in addition to seminal publications on clay pipe studies such as A. Oswald’s Clay Pipes for the Archaeologist (1975); R. Robinson’s Tobacco Pipes of Corinth and the Athenian Agora (1985), and U. Baram’s Material Culture, Commodities and Consumption in Palestine, 1500-1900 (1996). The Ottoman clay tobacco pipes discussed in this paper were collected over a six-year period from Saffa, a village located in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, 16 km west of Ramallah and nearly 22 km northwest of Jerusalem. Saffa was inhabited throughout the Roman, Byzantine, Early and Late Islamic periods. In 2006, the estimated population of the village of Saffa was 3300 persons. Here, the cultivation of tobacco plants in the village both for local consumption and for trade lasted at least from late Ottoman era to the 1970s.

Father Michele Piccirillo, a Franciscan friar of the Custody of the Holy Land (1944-2008) was a Professor and Archaeologist of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum from 1974 until his death. This essay gives a short account of his life, the most part of which he spent in Jerusalem. It recalls his activity as a lecturer, his studies and research of an historical and archaeological character, carried out during a period of over thirty years in various fields: Crusader history and art, archaeological research especially in Jordan and Syria, the archaeological museum of the Flagellation, the history of the Custody of the Holy Land and Franciscan Palestinology. There is also a delicate indication as to the spiritual attitude with which this Franciscan priest faced his illness and death. From the vast bibliography a chronological list of books, contributions (that have appeared in scientific magazines and cultural periodicals), is given.