Liber Annuus
Volume 68, Issue 1, 2018
- Articoli
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L’itinerario geografico-teologico di Abramo. II: Dalle Querce di Mamre al sepolcro di Macpela (Gn 14,1–25,18)
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:L’itinerario geografico-teologico di Abramo. II: Dalle Querce di Mamre al sepolcro di Macpela (Gn 14,1–25,18) show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: L’itinerario geografico-teologico di Abramo. II: Dalle Querce di Mamre al sepolcro di Macpela (Gn 14,1–25,18)AbstractIf the geographical horizon of this second part of the cycle of Abraham (Gen 14:1–25:18) appears more restricted than the description of the first (Gen 11:27– 13:18), the theological significance of the patriarch's movements is even more significant. The meeting with Melchizedek in Salem / Jerusalem (Gen 14:18) already alludes, albeit very discreetly, to the decisive appointment of Abraham on Moriah (Gen 22). The following stages of the patriarch's journey of faith follow: the Oak of Mamre where circumcision and the announcement of the birth of the child take place; Gerar, where Isaac is born; Beersheva, where the first well is acquired; Mount Moriah, i.e. the mountain of faith, where Abraham encounters not only a territory and a descendent, but God himself. In the final part of his journey, the patriarch acquires the tomb of Machpela, ensuring a descendent for Isaac through the journey of the servant to Harran, and finally he himself is buried in the cave of Machpela, accompanied not only by his son Isaac, but also by Ishmael and sons of Keturah, a sign of a paternity that has become universal.
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Il figlio primogenito secondo Sal 89,27-28: genesi del testo e sua prima ricezione cristiana
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Il figlio primogenito secondo Sal 89,27-28: genesi del testo e sua prima ricezione cristiana show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Il figlio primogenito secondo Sal 89,27-28: genesi del testo e sua prima ricezione cristianaAbstractThe study examines the literary and theological characteristics of the formula in Ps 89:27-28, which constitutes an important part of the divine oracle within the Psalm that closes the third book of the psalter. Starting from the context in which the psalm is found among the 150 psalms, through the analysis of the literary disposition and literary genres present in the same psalm, one can study the value of the chosen verses and also their reception not only in the Old Testament itself, but also in Qumran and the New Testament.
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«Per Salomone» (Sal 127,1): il Salmo 127 alla luce dei rapporti di intertestualità evocati dalla sua soprascritta
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:«Per Salomone» (Sal 127,1): il Salmo 127 alla luce dei rapporti di intertestualità evocati dalla sua soprascritta show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: «Per Salomone» (Sal 127,1): il Salmo 127 alla luce dei rapporti di intertestualità evocati dalla sua soprascrittaAuthors: Alessandro Coniglio and Paolo BovinaAbstractPsalm 127 mentions in its superscription the name of king Solomon. In the past, the reason for this title has been investigated starting from some possible allusions found in the body of the poem, to themes linked to the character of the son of David. The present research seeks to read the Solomonic mention in the title of the Psalm through the lens of the literary theories of M. Riffaterre. Specifically, we will find some intertextual traces in the ungrammatical phenomenon, found in the text of Psalm 127. They work as triggers of proper intertexts in biblical literature (especially in the historical books of the OT), related to the figure of Solomon. A new meaning of the psalm will emerge: a new reading on several levels, as if the Psalm had been composed by David for his son Solomon, and as a reader of the post-exilic period would have applied the poem to him/herself.
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La ‘gioia di Resin e del figlio di Romelia’ (Is 8,6)
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:La ‘gioia di Resin e del figlio di Romelia’ (Is 8,6) show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: La ‘gioia di Resin e del figlio di Romelia’ (Is 8,6)By: Jakub WaszkowiakAbstractIn the history of the exegesis of Isa 8:6b, the translation of the term וּמשׂוֹשְׂ has presented numerous difficulties both from the grammatical perspective and because of the complexity of the context. The majority of scholars follow the opinion of Ferdinand Hitzig. He supported the idea of an error by the copyist who might have confused the verb מסס con משׂשׂ. In this case, it would no longer speak of joy (מָשׂוֹשׂ), but of fear (מסס). However, this proposal has also been criticized particularly because of the ancient testimonies that favor the term . The author of the article has examined this term in its context. He then analyzed several texts that presented the same grammatical structure (Isa 7:17b, 20b; 8:6a, 6b; 9:10). Through this comparison, the hypothesis emerged that the sentence in 8:6b could be a gloss, in which the preposition אתֵ before וּמשׂוֹשְׂ could have been introduced without adequate attention to the grammar, or as a sign of the gloss itself. Finally, on the basis of the texts examined, the author proposes a new translation: "joy of Resin and of the son of Romelia" (Isa 8:6b).
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Stimme in der Wüste – Rufer in der Wüste – Weg in der Wüste: Struktur und Interpretationsgeschichte von Jes 40,3
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Stimme in der Wüste – Rufer in der Wüste – Weg in der Wüste: Struktur und Interpretationsgeschichte von Jes 40,3 show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Stimme in der Wüste – Rufer in der Wüste – Weg in der Wüste: Struktur und Interpretationsgeschichte von Jes 40,3By: Gregor GeigerAbstractThe first two clauses of Isa 40:3 can be and have been interpreted in different ways. "The desert" can be interpreted as a locative circumstance of the voice, of the one crying, or of the way and its preparing. In a first step, the paper describes the different ways of syntactically parsing these clauses, the semantics of their elements, and the poetical structure of the verse. The semantics and the poetical structures hint to an interpretation of the desert as part of the direct speech.
In a second step, the history of the interpretation is traced, shown by translations and quotations of the expression and by comments on it. In the LXX, the poetic parallelism of the verse is different because of the omission of the word b‘rbh in the second part of the verse. Hence its poetical structure is a clue for the connection of the desert with the introduction of the direct speech. In the New Testament, the voice is referred to John the Baptist, who is located in the desert. This is why in the overwhelming majority of Christian sources, the desert is the place of the voice and not of the way. In Jewish sources, both interpretations are found, the connection of the desert with the introduction to the direct speech being more common. The accents of the Masoretic Text, however, divide after the first two words of the verse.
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Matteo 7: Le opere di amore, la vera giustizia
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Matteo 7: Le opere di amore, la vera giustizia show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Matteo 7: Le opere di amore, la vera giustiziaBy: Bernardo EstradaAbstractThe present study of Matt 7:1-29 should be considered not only as a substantial part of the discourse on the mountain but also as its conclusion. This is an important section of the first discourse of Jesus in Matthew which summarizes the essential message of the Gospel and outlines its main ethical-theological characteristics. Attention is drawn firstly to the initial part of Matt 7, which culminates with the golden rule (Matt 7:12), that constitutes the end of the inclusion introduced by the antitheses and connoted by the key words "the law and the prophets". Then comes the analysis of the following four brief pericopes (or logia), in which there is a constant reference to the works of believers and to the responsibility of doing justice of the Kingdom. The inlay of the elaborate imagery and the structural weaving of the text make this Matthean page unique in its composition, illuminating the profound sense of God's will and the dynamism of his justice for believers which manifests itself in the works.
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Comprensione, accettazione o idoneità? La traduzione del verbo χωρέω in Mt 19,11-12
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Comprensione, accettazione o idoneità? La traduzione del verbo χωρέω in Mt 19,11-12 show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Comprensione, accettazione o idoneità? La traduzione del verbo χωρέω in Mt 19,11-12By: Matteo MunariAbstractIn Matt 19:10 we read how the disciples react to Jesus teaching on the indissolubility of marriage, concluding that it is better not to marry. Jesus' reply to their comment (Matt 19:11-12) can be interpreted in different ways because of the indefiniteness of the direct object in the sentence (τὸν λόγον [τοῦτον]) and because of the different meanings that the verb χωρέω can assume. This article focuses on the meaning of the verb χωρέω in Matt 19:11-12, which can express not only understanding or acceptance but also the capability to bear a burden, i.e. a life without a wife.
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La funzione argomentativa dell’esordio di Gal 1,6-10
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:La funzione argomentativa dell’esordio di Gal 1,6-10 show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: La funzione argomentativa dell’esordio di Gal 1,6-10AbstractThe exordium of the Epistle to the Galatians (Gal 1:6-10) is the only case in the Pauline epistolary in which the Apostle replaces the usual thanksgiving to God with a strong reproach to the believers of Galatia. This particular characteristic has led scholars to interpret it in the light of the crisis that Paul was experiencing with the communities of Galatia. For this reason, Paul would have omitted the rhetorical elements of the exordium and, impatient to get to the heart of the problem, would have directly accused the "agitators" of wanting to misrepresent the Gospel of Christ.
The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that instead this exordium has a well-defined and thought-out argumentative purpose. Paul reacts to the dramatic situation that the Galatians are experiencing, by putting the Gospel of God and its consequences for believers at the center of the discussion. At the same time, he provides very important keys for understanding the various developments within the epistle.
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John 21: a text between Christology and ecclesiology
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:John 21: a text between Christology and ecclesiology show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: John 21: a text between Christology and ecclesiologyAbstractChapter 21 of the Fourth Gospel contains a problem regarding its original relationship to the rest of the text. Leaving the discussion about these questions aside, the present paper prefers to consider the theological development of the narrative which moves between Christology and ecclesiology. The entire pericope consists of two scenes: 21:1-14 and 21:15-24; and in each scene we can find five episodes: a story of appearance (vv. 1-8); story of a meal (vv. 9-14); a tradition about Peter's ministry (vv. 15-17), a word of Jesus about the death of the apostle (vv. 18-19) and a logion about the beloved disciple (vv. 20-23). Finally the epilogue (21:24-25) concludes the whole narrative. In these different stories, the Christology appears more in relation to its ecclesiology than to the rest of the Gospel. Throughout the analysis of the individual stories, we put in evidence the conscience of the community that experiences the presence of the Risen Christ, especially in the Eucharistic supper, represented by the fish meal, and in the ministry of Peter called to guide all the faithful. This conclusion of the Gospel is also an important testimony regarding the survival of the Johannine tradition, which is integrated now into the greater Church.
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Colpevole o imputato? Il significato di πάντων ἔνοχος in Gc 2,10
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Colpevole o imputato? Il significato di πάντων ἔνοχος in Gc 2,10 show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Colpevole o imputato? Il significato di πάντων ἔνοχος in Gc 2,10By: Elisa ChiorriniAbstractLexicons of the NT, and many commentators and translators, read ἔνοχος in Jas 2:10 as "guilty", so that the verse seems to affirm a paradox: anyone who transgresses just one precept of the Law becomes guilty of breaking all the others. This article suggests translating πάντων ἔνοχος as "defendant of / suspected of / charged of all (sins / violations of the Law)". The meaning "defendant" is documented for ἔνοχος in Koiné Greek, as is shown by the study of the occurrences of the adjective in literature from the 2nd century BC to the 2nd century AD, in papyri, inscriptions and Byzantine lexicons. The analysis of the cases and meanings of nouns governed by ἔνοχος suggests that the referrent of πάντων are not precepts, but are rather sins against the Law. This interpretation is consistent with the context of Jas 2:8-13 and clarifies the address. Therefore it will be proposed to record for the entry ἔνοχος in NT lexicons the meanings "defendant of / suspected of / charged of", next to those of "subject to" and "guilty".
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Archaeological Evidence for the Settlement Enterprises of the Hasmonean House in the Districts of Ofaraim, Lod and Ramataim
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Archaeological Evidence for the Settlement Enterprises of the Hasmonean House in the Districts of Ofaraim, Lod and Ramataim show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Archaeological Evidence for the Settlement Enterprises of the Hasmonean House in the Districts of Ofaraim, Lod and RamataimBy: Shimon DarAbstractThe paper describes a dozen archaeological sites excavated in the ancient districts of Ofaraim, Lod, and Ramataim in recent years. These districts were ceded to the Hasmonean rulers of Judea by Demetrius II (145-140 BCE), the troubled Seleucid king. Prior to the excavations, only historical sources were available for scholars to reconstruct the actual process described in 1 Macc 11:32-34. The excavations revealed many small villages and farmsteads established by the Hasmonean rulers, mainly from John Hyrcanus I (134-104 BCE) and onward. The process of settlement continued until the Herodian period. In the excavated sites, many agricultural installations were unearthed: mikvaot, Jewish stone vessels, coins of the Hasmonean rulers, and synagogues in the larger settlements.
During the two revolts against Rome, many of the settlements were destroyed and abandoned, mainly after the Bar-Kokhba war (132-136 CE). After being desolate for some generations, they were settled again by non-Jewish populations.
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Changing borders in the provinces of Palaestina and Arabia in the fourth and fifth centuries
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Changing borders in the provinces of Palaestina and Arabia in the fourth and fifth centuries show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Changing borders in the provinces of Palaestina and Arabia in the fourth and fifth centuriesBy: Leah Di SegniAbstractVarious interpretations have been offered about the territorial changes of Provincia Arabia, especially those affecting its border with Palaestina. The problem is further complicated by the issue of the creation of Palaestina Salutaris. An often-accepted opinion regards the regions east and west of the 'Aravah as two separate units that changed hands from one province to the other at different times. A more extreme view, expressed not long ago, maintains that the Negev with the Sinai Peninsula and southern Transjordan moved back and forth between Arabia and Palaestina, now together, now separately, six times during the ninety years between 300 and 390 CE, at the end of which period Palaestina Salutaris came into existence from a split of Arabia. New epigraphic finds, and a critical examination of the ancient sources, show that both opinions are incorrect. No territorial changes occurred between Palestine and Arabia after the transfer of southern Transjordan, the Negev and most of the Sinai Peninsula from Arabia to Palaestina under the Tetrarchy. Internal changes occurred in Palaestina, with the creation of Palaestina Salutaris ca. 357/8. The office of governor of Palaestina Salutaris was discontinued for some years in the 380s, until the reconstitution of this province ca. 389/90, some years before the creation of Palaestina Secunda in the early 5th century.
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Two Burial Caves at Kefar Shemaryahu: More on Samaritan and Christian Interactions in the Byzantine-Period Central Coastal Plain
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Two Burial Caves at Kefar Shemaryahu: More on Samaritan and Christian Interactions in the Byzantine-Period Central Coastal Plain show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Two Burial Caves at Kefar Shemaryahu: More on Samaritan and Christian Interactions in the Byzantine-Period Central Coastal PlainAuthors: Talila Rudin, Oren Tal, Itamar Taxel and Amir FeldsteinAbstractThis paper discusses two largely undisturbed burial caves excavated in 1992 located in the modern settlement of Kefar Shemaryahu, the site usually considered to be Apollonia/Sozousa's main Late Roman- and Byzantine-period necropolis. One of these burial caves may illustrate a change in the religious identity of the population burying the deceased from Samaritans to Christians during the 6th century CE based on the burial goods found and the geo-political realia in the region at the time.
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The ‘Monastery of Theodosius’ at Khirbet Te’ena
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:The ‘Monastery of Theodosius’ at Khirbet Te’ena show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: The ‘Monastery of Theodosius’ at Khirbet Te’enaBy: Amit ShadmanAbstractKhirbet Te’ena is a small Byzantine-period rural monastery (coenobium) situated in the western foothills of Samaria, east of Migdal Afek, one of a series of monasteries and villages known from this time in the area. In recent years, the author has carried out extensive excavation of the site and its surroundings, uncovering a basilica church, oil press, stable and residential quarter extending over an area of approximately 5 dunams. The relatively large size of the church seemingly indicates that it served not only monks and local residents, but likely also passers-by. Based on the ceramic and numismatic evidence, the site was settled sometime during the 5th century and remained active until its apparent abandonment in the late 7th or early 8th century.
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A Byzantine Pictural Graffito from Jerusalem
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:A Byzantine Pictural Graffito from Jerusalem show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: A Byzantine Pictural Graffito from JerusalemAbstractA pictorial graffito which is incised on a stone board was discovered in soil accumulations in a Byzantine Building from the excavations at the Giv'ati parking lot, south of the Dung gate, Jerusalem. The graffito includes some scenes. In the center of the composition, a large vessel is depicted flanked by a pair of antithetical birds. Two other scenes depict snakes threatening their prey, and a motif of an octagram is also presented on the graffito. The sloppy style of the incisions attests to the work of an amateur rather than a professional artist.
Most of the motifs drawn on the plaque from the Givati excavations are well known in the formal art and literature of the Byzantine world. The central motif of an antithetical pair of birds flanking an amphora was a very popular motif in the formal art and was prominent in 'inhabited-scrolls' designs in church mosaics. However, while the graffito's assemblage of faunal motifs is unknown as a whole in the formal visual arts, it is well presented in the Byzantine Christian literature. This paper will deal with the feature of the drawings as well as with the parallels known from the Byzantine formal art and the literature to examine the function of the graffito and to discuss aspects regards the relationships between the folk art and the formal art during Late Antiquity.
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Three Greek Inscriptions from Herodion – Reconsidered
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Three Greek Inscriptions from Herodion – Reconsidered show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Three Greek Inscriptions from Herodion – ReconsideredAuthors: Asher Ovadiah and Rosario PierriAbstractThe present three Greek inscriptions, out of 63, were found during the archaeological campaigns carried out by the late Fr. Virgilio C. Corbo ofm at the site in the 1960s. They were first read, deciphered, drawn, photographed and studied some fifty years ago by the late Fr. Emmanuele Testa ofm, and have been published in 1972.
The present inscriptions seem to have been engraved by monks, when a small monastery was established among the remains of the Herodian palace/ fortress at Herodion in the early Byzantine period (4th-7th centuries CE). Each of these engravers expressed his thoughts, feelings and desires.
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Aphrodite, Demeter, Hermes and Poseidon in the Decapolis
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Aphrodite, Demeter, Hermes and Poseidon in the Decapolis show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Aphrodite, Demeter, Hermes and Poseidon in the DecapolisAuthors: Asher Ovadiah and Sonia MucznikAbstractThe four deities of the Greek pantheon presented in this article, and which were also adopted in the Roman period, were venerated and worshipped in the following cities of the Decapolis: Beth Shean/Scythopolis, Capitolias, Damascus, Dion, Gadara, Gerasa, Pella and Philadelphia (Amman). As evinced by the findings of sculpture, epigraphy, numismatics and gems, the cults of all four gods were clearly present in these cities during the Roman period, although evidence pertaining to the cult of Poseidon/Neptune appears to be scarce. It should be noted that no architectural remains (temples) in honour of these deities have been uncovered to date.
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Recensioni e Libri ricevuti
show More to view fulltext, buy and share links for:Recensioni e Libri ricevuti show Less to hide fulltext, buy and share links for: Recensioni e Libri ricevutiAbstractMeynet Roland, Les psaumes des montées (Rhetorica Biblica et Semitica 9), Peeters, Leuven - Paris - Bristol CT 2017, 202 pp. (A. Coniglio).
Tooman William A. - Barter Penelope (ed.), Ezekiel. Current Debates and Future Directions (Forschungen zum Alten Testament 112), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2017, xv-552 pp. (V. Lopasso).
Nguyen Dinh A.N., Gesù il saggio di Dio e la sapienza divina. Indagine biblico-teologica introduttiva per ripensare la cristologia sapienziale nei vangeli sinottici (Collana di Cristologia. Nuova serie 3), Miscellanea francescana, Roma 2017, 512 pp. (M. Munari).
Butticaz Simon, La crise galate ou l’anthropologie en question (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 229), de Gruyter, Berlin - Boston 2018, xiv-316 pp. (S. Salvatori).
Gurry Peter J., A Critical Examination of the Coherence-Based Genealogical Method in New Testament Textual Criticism (New Testament Tools, Studies and Documents 55), Brill, Leiden - Boston 2017, xiv-254 pp. (E. Chiorrini).
Bermejo Cabrera Enrique, Misterio de Cristo y celebración de su memoria. Comentario bíblico litúrgico a las Misas de los Santuarios de la Custodia de Tierra Santa (Studia Orientalia Christiana. Monographiae 26), Edizioni Terra Santa, Milano 2017, 18+284 pp. (G. Caputa).
Beliaev Leonid A. (ed.), Byzantine Jericho: Excavations after a Century, Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Archaeology – Indrik, Moscow 2016, 499 pp. (Y. Tchekhanovets).
Vörös Győző, Machaerus I: History, Archaeology and Architecture of the Fortified Herodian Royal Palace and City Overlooking the Dead Sea in Transjordan. Final Report of the Excavations and Surveys 1807-2012 (SBF. Collectio Maior 53), Edizioni Terra Santa, Milano 2013, 399 pp.; Machaerus II: The Hungarian Archaeological Mission in the Light of the American-Baptist and Italian-Franciscan Excavations and Surveys, Final Report 1968-2015 (SBF. Collectio Maior 55), Edizioni Terra Santa, Milano 2015, 560 pp. (A. Ovadiah).
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Volumes & issues
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Volume 74 (2024)
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Volume 73 (2023)
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Volume 72 (2022)
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Volume 71 (2021)
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Volume 70 (2020)
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Volume 69 (2019)
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Volume 68 (2018)
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Volume 67 (2017)
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Volume 66 (2016)
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Volume 65 (2015)
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Volume 64 (2014)
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Volume 63 (2013)
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Volume 62 (2012)
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Volume 61 (2011)
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Volume 60 (2010)
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Volume 59 (2009)
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Volume 58 (2008)
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Volume 57 (2007)
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Volume 56 (2006)
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Volume 55 (2005)
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Volume 54 (2004)
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Volume 53 (2003)
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Volume 52 (2002)
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Volume 51 (2001)
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Volume 50 (2000)
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