Liber Annuus

Jacob is a complex, suggestive and irritating character, deceiver and deceived, eager for power but also ready for reconciliation, both hero and anti-hero at the same time. But he is also a man who marked the history of Israel, because he met God. His is a geographical-existential journey that leads to a first but fundamental fulfilment of the divine promise: a large family, in the Promised Land. It is this geographical-existential journey that is given attention in this article, with the writings of the most updated texts of the biblical narrative. If the final redaction preserves the ancient tradition of a skilled, but also ambiguous and shrewd Jacob, it highlights new essential traits characterized by faith in the presence and gratuitous help of God. His return to Canaan assumes the traits of his return from exile. Thus, for the post-exilic generation, Jacob became the prototype of the Jew called to return to his homeland and reconstitute the new community. Despite appearances, Jacob does not walk alone. Little by little he enters the sphere of the divine presence. Like Abraham, he too is given the words of YHWH: it is enough to be “wandering” but not as a solitary “wanderer”.

There are different interpretations of Deut 34:10-12. Recent scholarly hypothesis are occupied with the solution of the supposed tension between 18:15- 18 and 34:10-12. Some proposed Jeremiah as the prophet like Moses. Only very few proposed Joshua. In this paper I argue that Joshua in the Book of Joshua is the prophet speaking Yahweh’s word as the prophet like Moses. Then the equal greatness of Moses and of Joshua, as presented in the Book of Joshua, is studied. This leads to another discussion addressing the issue of the “face to face” relationship in a few Pentateuchal texts (Exod 33:11; Num 12:8; Deut 34:10), which supports the reading that Joshua is the prophet like Moses. That text refers to “leader(s) through the waters”.

Who knows if, at the time of Naʿ^aman the Syrian, leprosy or what this term meant, created the same fear or panic that a pandemic now raises? However, it seems that Naʿ^aman moved without restrictions and problems. In 2 Kings 5:1-5 Naʿ^aman is called ‘of Aram’ according to the MT and ‘of Syria’ in the LXX^B version. If for these textual witnesses Naʿaman’s leprosy is not a serious matter, then for other witnesses (LXX^L, Pesh, Vg) it is. Naʿ^aman may be a valiant warrior, a charming man but, for these textual witnesses he is still a leper. Why? What did he do? Regardless, he has leprosy.

Where does Naʿ^aman really come from? Aram, Syria or ‘Edom’? Textual criticism, literary criticism and the comparison with Ancient Near East’s texts reveal that Naʿ^aman actually comes from Ugarit, where he is well known. Who would really know him? The reader, who will have to convince himself that, only YHWH, the God of Israel will be able to cure Naaman of leprosy.

Many details on the return of the Jews from Babylon, following the capture of power by Cyrus II, and on the reconstruction of the temple carried out by them, are shrouded in mystery. In this article, starting from the available sources, the author takes stock of those events, presenting the most concrete and likely outline, of what happened between the arrival of Sesbassàr and the reconstruction of the Temple. In particular, after a short overview on the sources of the early Persian period, the following aspects are examined: the politics of Cyrus, the mission of Sesbassàr, the return and the task of Zerubbabel, the opposition to the reconstruction works, the date of completion of the works, the importance of the Temple for returnees. From the picture offered, we can deduce a very close link between the return and the construction of the Temple in Jerusalem as well as the settlement of the returnees among the local populations. For the latter, having the Temple meant legitimizing their legal and religious status, being socially rooted in the territory and demonstrating their belonging to ancient Israel.

In OT, Intertestamental and NT literature Satan is usually characterized as the adversary of God and his saving plan. The article shows how this view is intended in Mark’s gospel, through a close reading of the Markan passages where the noun σατανᾶς occurs (Mark 1:12-13; 3:23-26; 4:15; 8:31-33). Satan opposes both Jesus’ and his disciples’ mission, which are common through the preaching of the Gospel, the exorcisms and the way through suffering and death, in view of the coming glory. Since their missions are part of the divine saving plan, Satan can be considered the (defeated) adversary of God in Mark’s gospel too.

In Matt 11:19b // Luke 7:35 there is an enigmatic logion, in which Jesus affirms that wisdom was declared just “by its works” (Matthew) or “by all her children” (Luke). Most exegetes are convinced that Luke has preserved the oldest version of the saying. The widespread opinion is that Matthew replaced “children” with “works” in order to create an inclusio with Matt 11:2. In accordance with this predominant hypothesis, some go further by saying that Matthew modified his source in order to identify Jesus with Divine Wisdom. All these assertions, often taken for granted and used as a basis for exegesis, are questionable. In this article I will try to show not only that they are wrong but also how they have actually hindered the understanding of the logion as it is in its oldest version we have, which is that of Matthew.

The present essay examines seven aspects of the Gospel of John’s distinctive literary style which readers encounter often: solemn speech, ambiguous language, misunderstanding, irony, bridge verses, inclusions, and explanatory notes. One passage in which these stylistic features are especially prevalent is John 4:1-42. An analysis of how these techniques are employed together within the Johannine Samaria narrative shows that their purpose is not simply as a display of artistry. On the contrary, their function - both individually and collectively - is very much at the service of the Fourth Gospel’s literary and theological priorities. As literary devices, they contribute to the construction of meaning and serve as interpretive guideposts for the reader, while also shedding light on certain aspects of the composition process.

What is the importance of baptism according to Paul? The Pauline references to baptism are limited in number and distribution. 1 Corinthians is the Pauline epistle with the highest number of references to it. Therefore, we chose to concentrate our inquiry on this letter. In the article, individual baptismal terms are analyzed according to their literary context, and to the function they have in the place of their occurrence. As a result, baptism is used as an element that is always functional to Paul’s argumentative purposes, whereas its intrinsic value is never deeply examined. Nevertheless, we have ten occurrences of the verb βαπτίζω in 1 Corinthians, and it appears clear that baptism has relevance in the life of both the Christian community, and for Paul himself. Though indirectly, the Apostle provides some interesting theological remarks about it throughout the epistle. In an original manner the article focuses on baptism in 1 Corinthians and gives a new interpretation of the famous crux interpretum of 1 Cor 15:29.

The first letter to the Thessalonians is considered the most eschatological of Pauline writings. In fact, this letter is the one that uses the term parousia the most when referring to Jesus Christ. One of them is 1 Thes 3:11-13. It is a prayer addressed to God the Father and the Lord Jesus. In these verses, we find two striking peculiarities. Firstly, Saint Paul sets himself as a model of the love that the Lord has to grant to the Thessalonians. Secondly, he affirms that Jesus, in his glorious coming, will be accompanied by “all his saints”; i.e., all the Christian faithful. Such a statement has no parallel in the Pauline writings or in the other books of the New Testament. In this article, we will try to shed light on these expressions and to elucidate the concept of eschatology of Saint Paul.

The structure of the entry under ἀρχή in some lexicons of the NT presents a number of problems: the list of meanings is not always complete; some definitions are ambiguous; the main paragraphs of the entry are distinguished on the basis of differing criteria, sometimes conceptual and sometimes referential. To overcome these difficulties, a classification of the meanings of ἀρχή is proposed based on a re-examination of its occurrences in the New Testament and in the Septuagint. A prerequisite was to find the earliest meaning expressed by the word, which was found to be that of a dynamic beginning, from which a rich polysemy had developed over time. Indeed the study of ἀρχή in biblical texts allows for the isolation of seven general concepts, contained in the different meanings. Each meaning is derived from the application of one of these concepts to the type of referent to be described, and can be further specified by the topic of the context and by the syntagmatic relationship to nearby words.

The relationship between inspiration and truth is singularly important for the faith approach to Scripture, poised in tension especially in its relationship with scientific and historiographical research. This contribution, made up of four parts, initially revisits the scientific path of historiography and describes its potential and limits. The second part presents some reflections on the relationship between historiography and biblical studies, recognizing the limited nature of the historiographical acquisitions of both. It is therefore proposed to restrict the use of the term “truth” in the relationship between the Bible and contemporary historiography and to prefer, as regards the events of the past, the more limited concept of “documentability”. In the third part, a brief analysis of some biblical passages in the light of the theology of inspiration shows the path of discernment regarding the mystery of God made by the hagiographers. In the last paragraph, the concept of inspiration as a “critical judgment”, or “discernment” is further explored. This survey, partial and open to further study, aims above all to stimulate reflection, deeming more relevant further inter- or trans-disciplinary research with collective participation.

For the first time in italian, this work offers a translation of the Aggadat Mašiaḥ, a medieval eschatological midrash which is part of the Midraš Leqaḥ Ṭov by Rabbi Ṭuviyyah ben Eliʿezer (end of 11th - beginning of 12th century) to comment on a messianically relevant biblical verse such as Num 24:17. The analysis and commentary of the text reveal a wealth of themes and aim to not only highlight its origins and importance in the history of Jewish thought, but also its recurrence in other medieval eschatological works, be it Jewish, Christian or Muslim. Special attention is also paid to the figure of Messiah ben Yosef, the true protoganist of the midrash, and his function as a suffering messiah, warrior and priest.

The article publishes a leaf of a Sephardic Talmud manuscript, dated approximately to the 13th century, held by the library of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Jerusalem. The provenience of the leaf is unknown. It contains a section of the Babylonian Talmud, tractate Sukka 51b-52a. The text is compared to other witnesses of this Talmud section, both manuscripts and early printings.

The article provides a first description and interpretation of the decoration, development and potential function of a worked basalt block found by Franciscan archaeologists before 2000 at Magdala/Galilee (“Magdala Stone II”). With this publication, the authors not only wish to contribute to the scholarly discussion on ancient Galilean material culture, but also hope to broaden the debate on two other, seemingly similar stone objects “Magdala Stone I” and “Horvat Kur Stone”.

An intact magical silver ring set with a green chalcedony magical gem was discovered near present-day Megiddo prison. The ring has a tubular hoop and a low box-bezel. It’s metal is engraved on all sides with symbols and charaktères and perhaps some letters. On the ring’s round, flat base appears a swastika within a square. A standing male-deity holding an upright snake is engraved on the gem, surrounded by further charactères and a magical name. The ring is of a known type. It dates from the later 3rd to the early 4th century. The precise name and identity of its standing deity are unknown.

Our study has shown that a number of powerful syncretized deities are embedded it this figure; that the snake held by its god is the Chnoubis snake; and that the ring plus its gem were created to function as a powerful, protective, beneficial, theraputic item. Every aspect of this ring was calculated to enforce and strengthen the ring’s medical-magical function and aim. Together with an earlier one found of a silver magical ring in the site of Kefar-ʻOthnay with a depiction of the Anguipede on its gem, these two rings show that among the population and soldiers of the VI Ferrata legionary base and the nearby village of Kefar-ʻOthnay were believers in the authority of magi and the power of healing and overall help and protection against evil powers and maladies embedded in magical gems and rings.

A subterranean tunnels’ complex was revealed south of the theater at Nysa- Scythopolis/Bet She’an. During the excavations a considerable number of integrated tunnels that reached ca. 200 m were revealed, though other parts that were not exposed as their tufa walls and vaults were poorly preserved, thus indicated that the tunnels’ complex is considerably larger. The tunnels are 2.5-3.0 m high and 150-180 m wide with no blocking arrangements, inner halls or installations. Their southern part was cut as the Severan theater semicircle rear section was constructed and new entrances into various tunnels were created that were not part of the original complex. Two floors, the original rock cut and a compressed dirt floor at a higher level, were dated to the late 2nd to early 3rd century CE and to the late 4th to early 5th century CE. Pottery and glass finds, and a gold Lamella enabled the dating of the tunnels’ complex usage stages, though it did not date the complex’s original construction stage that seems to be earlier.

The tunnels’ complex by its nature, date and location does not correspond with the well-known phenomena of hiding tunnels complexes, characteristic in Judea and Galilee during the Jewish revolt. It is therefore unique, and its function is enigmatic.

The present study engages with four deities, whose veneration and worship were prevalent in the Decapolis in the Roman period: Ares, Athena, Herakles and Nike. The discussion is based on the architectural, sculptural, epigraphic and numismatic evidence, as well as on small finds (gems). Curiously, only the architectural remains of a single temple, dedicated to Herakles, is preserved in Philadelphia (present-day Amman, Jordan); while for the other deities, no temples appear to have existed in any of the other cities of the Decapolis, not even as a visual representation on coins. Finally, the evidence suggests that the cults of these gods and goddesses existed in both the public (urban) and the private spheres.

This paper discusses Roman and Byzantine tombs and burial caves at Yavneh-Yam (the harbor site of ancient Iamnia) excavated in the 1960s and 1980s. It focuses on the finds recovered during these excavations as a means to enhance our knowledge on the site’s social and religious history vis-à-vis the inhabited site’s recent excavations and studies. More specifically, the discussed funerary remains reflect the changes in the site’s social composition between Early Roman to Byzantine times. While in the Early Roman period Yavneh-Yam was probably predominantly Jewish, in Late Roman and mainly Byzantine times it was developed into a large and thriving harbor town whose mixed population was composed of polytheists, Jews, Samaritans and Christians.

The paper presents an imported Roman lead figurine of Fortuna-Isis recently discovered during salvage excavations in the City of David, in an archaeological context dated to the mid-4th century CE. The presence of this Hellenistic-Roman Egypt syncretic deity was previously unattested in Jerusalem’s archaeological record.

The city of Be’er Sheva thrived during the Byzantine period; however, its development during the Early Islamic period is less apparent. This article addresses the cultural processes experienced in the ancient city in the two centuries following the Arab conquest by focusing on a rich glass corpus from the city center dated to the late Byzantine and Early Islamic periods, and examining additional, contemporaneous glass assemblages from Be’er Sheva.

The combined insights from this study suggest that during the 6th-8th centuries CE the inhabitants of Be’er Sheva’s city center and residential areas were culturally engaged and familiar with the elaborate trends of the glass industry of their time. Moreover, no break is evident in the glass products throughout the major historical events of this period. Nevertheless, the occurrence of several Muslim-related glass vessel-types may suggest a transformation of a part of the population or a change in the culture of some of the inhabitants, which took place in the Early Islamic period, possibly in the 8th century CE.

Furthermore, although a few of the specimens that occurred in the 8th century CE belong to types that may have continued into the Abbasid period as well, none of the glass finds presented herein may indisputably be assigned to the 9th century CE or later. The glass finds from Be’er Sheva, therefore, suggest that the activity in the city center and residential areas decreased or ceased around the late 8th or early 9th century CE.

Besides having a functional purpose as a source of light, oil lamps, from their inception, were highly regarded and endowed with cultural and spiritual powers, following the suggestion that the closed lamp was adorned as a “House of Light” since the Classical (Hellenistic) period, inspired by architectural elements such as the column, whose height reached the sky and whose massiveness supported a heavy structure such as the Temple. I propose renaming the wheel-made saucer or “Beehive”-shaped oil lamp of the second-third parts of the Islamic period the “Dome”-shaped lamp, as the upper part that covers the receptacle is in the shape of a dome. Moreover, the dome of this lamp assumes the same shape as the dwellings that the Arab nomadic tribes constructed to provide shelter from the oppressive heat yet remain in command of the sky, i.e., the seat of God.

Bons Eberhard - Mambelli Anna - Scialabba Daniela (ed.), Exodos. Storia di un vocabolo (Testi, ricerche e fonti. Nuova serie 62), Il Mulino, Bologna 2019, 217 pp. (M. Priotto).

Candido Dionisio, Giuditta. Nuova versione, introduzione e commento (I libri biblici 32), Paoline Editoriale Libri, Cinisello Balsamo (MI) 2020, 416 pp. (R. Pierri).

Pardee Cambry G., Scribal Harmonization in the Synoptic Gospels (New Testament Tools, Studies and Documents 60), Brill, Leiden - Boston 2019, xiv-494 pp. (E. Chiorrini).

Lieu Judith M. - de Boer Martinus C. (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Johannine Studies (Oxford Handbooks), Oxford University Press, Oxford 2018, 496 pp. (A. Cavicchia).