Euphrosyne

The christological disputes of the IVth-VIIth centuries generated in the Christian East a specific rhetorical technique: the dramatisation of the exexegis of the New Covenant. Exexegis required a strenuous effort in the Hellenized world so impregnated with philosophical and rhetorical culture. The preacher who meant to convince his audience had to level up his explanation of the Holy Scripture to the height of the Hellenistic intellectual heritage and to resort to the most subtle rhetoric procedures. Dramatising scriptural episodes became thus an instrument of doctrinal persuasion, the theses of the preacher taking the shape of fictitions speeches that the New Covenant’s dramatis personae were supposed to pronounce. The study exemines and describes the technic of dramatising biblical comments and the genre it produced: the exegetical drama.

Martinus Bracarensis is a special case in the study of the reception of Lucius Annaeus Seneca. The aim of this article is to outline the role Martinus really played as a user of Seneca’s prose work. The relationship between the two authors has hitherto been in a very flimsy context, owing to the imperfect delimitation of the real Martinus' corpus and to the superficial analysis of the works which actually reveal Seneca's influence.

L’auteur anonyme de l’opuscule pseudo-isidorien De ortu et obitu patriarcharum (PL 83, 1275-1294; originaire de la région de Bavière, ca. 780) utilise dans son oeuvre un nombre assez grand de textes apocryphes pour compléter les renseignements biographiques sur les personnages bibliques, dont il ne trouve assez d’information ni dans la Bible ni dans la littérature canonique; cela prouve que l'auteur travaille dans un milieu où un certain type de littérature apocryhe n'est pas vue comme interdite, mais comme un bon complement de la littérature canonique. Parmi les oeuvres apocryphes, l'auteur anonyme se fait l’écho d’une version latine d’une Vita Adae et Evae, dont la circulation dans l'Europe pendant le Moyen Age s’est limitée, d’après tous les indices, aux milieux irlandais.

This article surveys several classical themes found in the modern Portuguese oral tradition: Progne e Filomena, Hero e Leandro, Tarquinio e Lucrecia, Virgilio, which attributes an interesting romantic adventure to Virgil, and two stories derived from medieval Latin sources from the 12th and 13th centuries: Landarico (Merovigian period) and Empress Porcina (Oriental tale mediated by a Christianizing Latin source). The pan-Hispanic counterparts of the ballads are also discussed.

The author discusses the 11. 32-33 of Horace’s Epistle to Augustus, which Shackleton Bailey, in his recent edition, considers interpolated. The thesis is proposed that Horace echoes in these 11. the allocution of Anchises in the Aeneid of Virgil, b. VI 11. 847-50: the three activities mentioned by Horace - painting, music and gymnastics - presuppose the same system of classification of the arts utilized by Virgil, who mentions sculpture, oratoty and astronomy (the system, of Aristotelian origin, in wich the arts are divided into the theoretical, the practical and the productive).

On analyse du point de vue de l'esthétique de la réception et de la critique intertextuelle la présence d'Horace dans l’oeuvre de l’écrivain portugais Eça de Queirós (1845-1900). Comme résultat d’un double contact direct et indirect, la réception de l’écrivain latin se traduit sur le plan de l'expression par des citations et des allusions dont quelques-unes relèvent de la mémoire collective et, sur le plan du contenu, par un certain nombre d’idées et d’attitudes telles que la vision sceptique et épicurienne de la vie, l’extase devant la beauté bucolique de la nature, l’exaltation de la primauté des valeurs de l’art et les principes esthétiques de l’ArtPoétique qu’Eça de Queirós, faisant preuve d’une originalité assez remarquable, applique à la composition du conte en prose.

Exile was the cause of a deep and definitive change in Ovid’s poetry. Because of new psychological and intellectual conditions, its previous principles cannot be applied any more. But as the poet finds in study a relief to his pain, he gradually discovers the power of poetry, which proves to be the instrument of a spiritual victory over the emperor. Ovid first tries to use it as a way to obtain his return to Rome, then he realizes the revival that has ensued. His poetry was light, objective and open to the world; it now becomes a serious poetry and a poetry of the individual the meaning of which can only be understood by reference to the poet himself. This change, however, does not result from a rational decision but almost happens without Ovid’s knowledge. Afraid of losing his identity, he still refers himself to traditional frames and myths and he thus appears to have initiated less a poetic revolution than a new and original use of old literary forms.

Comme dans toute l'Europe où, grâce à la Renaissance carolingienne, la connaissance d’Ovide, se répand après le XII^e siècle, les témoignages de cette connaissance ne manquent pas au Portugal.

Luis de Camões connaît bien l’auteur des Métamorphoses et nous en trouvons de nombreuses preuves dans son oeuvre. Nous voulons analyser les échos de Met. XI, 410 ss. dans la tempête des Lusiades - Chant VI. On cite généralement le seul Vergile comme source de cet épisode. Mais, qu’il s’agisse de l’attitude des navigateurs pendant la tempête, ou des images multiples et suggestives (v.g. les oiseaux alcyons, qui sont le symbole de l’amour), la source qu’inspire Camões est Ovide.

La lecture comparée des textes des deux auteurs permet de se rendre compte que le poète épique portugais est un témoin privilégié de la réception d’Ovide, chez nous.

Martial, à l’instar de tous les hommes, a eu des rêves, des soucis, des désirs et des ambitions. On peut bien les déceler dans ses Épigrammes et voir ensuite quels sont les buts qu’il réussit à atteindre. Avant 98, le poète désirait avoir une petite, humble mais confortable maison, des amis, l'amour de jeunes et beaux garçons, quelquefois des filles. Il voulait aussi ne plus avoir à supporter des patrons arrogants et d’en finir avec la vie difficile et ennuyeuse de cliens dans la bruyante Rome où il ne pouvait jamais dormir. Las de la capitale, Martial voulait surtout retourner à sa patrie. En 98, revenu à Bilbilis pour y terminer ses jours, on rencontre toutefois un Martial amer, déçu et qui n'a vraiment conquis autre chose que le droit de dormer autant qu’il en a envie.

In hoc scripto, ex Romanorum artis musicae historia a se ipso nondum perfecta excerpto, affirmat auctor Apuleium etiam opus, quod De musica inscriptum est, composuisse; sed, cum hoc opus non iam exstet, quantum de musica - de fidibus et tibiis et vocibus - musicographus Madaurensis sciverit aliquot saltem locos operum, quae Metamorphoses et Florida inscribuntur, luculente testari posse.

Study was carried out on cases of reticentia using categories offered by studies concerning this figure of speech. This made possible to analize and to identify as cases of reticentia two passages, the former taken from Amphitruo by Plautus (v. 741), the latter from an epistle to Atticus by Cicero (7,23,2).

The study of myths allows a better knowledge of the steady, long-lasting background on which history is elaborated. Thus, it is myth which precedes and explains history, and not the contrary. The purpose of this paper is to show how the founding myths of Rome - the Trojan, the Greek origins - remain at full lenght in its story, but have a metamorphosis, according to the historic periods: Rome is both a memory and a breath.

The motion, concerning the problems of debts of free communities, proposed by P. Servilius Isauricus the son and inspired by Cato, was accepted by the senate thanks to the wide support of the lower senators. It aimed at the corruption and the abuse of power, both by the local governors and in the senate, and thus announces the lex Julia de repetundis, containing a clause to the same effect. The sententia Servilii was not directed against the equites or publicani, but against those who were in the first place responsible for the mismanagement of the provinces. Consequently, the malevolentia, that, according to Cicero, made the motion popular, should be not be interpreted as a hostile feeling of the senators against the knights, but as a resentment by the majority of the senators of the exploits of the 'mighty few’ (the pauci potentes). The motion presumably confirmed the incompetence of the provincial governors in cases of debts of free communities, and provided guidelines for the treatment of these cases in Rome

A análise linguística dos documentos notariais da Catalunha do séc. IX, que não possui literature propriamente dita, revela um conhecimento da língua latina mais correcto em princípios do século que em meados do mesmo, verificando-se uma ligeira melhoria em finais dele. Além disso, a análise estilística das variantes introduzidas nas fórmulas e dos raros passos de texto em composição livre revela, sobretudo nos diplomas mais solenes, alguns pequenos logros literários, que incluem hexámetros rítmicos, cursus, e figuras retóricas várias; influem nesses resultados também os modelos bíblicos (com particular relevo para os Salmos), textos patrísticos e jurídicos (o Liber iudicum), numa clara demonstração de que os redactors possuíam uma capacidade superior aos meios que estavam ao seu imediato alcance.