Euphrosyne

This article has as main objective to analyze the meanings of cult statues in ancient Greece. Recent studies of visual culture in Greek art have tried to redefine the limits, actions and contexts of cult images in relation to Greek religiosity. Specifically, we will focus on analyzing the physical interaction of cult images in the ritual process of Greek religion.The main case study will be the Athenian festival of Plynteria. From the written testimonies ofthe Greek and Roman sources, we will how cult images were exposed to various processes of beautification, adornment, and physical manipulation at different times of religious worship.

The fishing industry was the main source of livelihood for many populations living near the Strait of Gibraltar from the VI-V century BC onwards, as testified by archeo-logical and literary sources. At the Phoenician colony of Gadir, and allied settlements, coins were struck with the image of the tuna fish on one side and the god Melqart, protector of the Western Phoenicians, on the other. In this article, we propose that this relationship between the Phoenician god and tuna fish could have been the subject of a local myth, adapted from a Semitic cosmogonic myth into a fishing myth and located in the geographical landscape of the West. We analyze its potential traces in ritual, iconography, and Greco-Roman texts dealing with the exploits of Heracles and other seafarers in the West, which are suspect of having been subject to various forms of Euhemerism and syncretism, without obliterating all traces of the previous mythology.

In the New Testament Vulgate, the Greek verb μισέω (“to hate”) is translated either as the Latin verb odi, or as the constructions with support verb odio habeo and odio sum. In order to understand the criteria that explain these three translations, we will analyze, from a diachronic perspective, the use of odio habeo and odio sum in the Latin literature from Plautus to Gellius. We will also discuss, in a synchronic view, their survival in late Latin, with special attention to the different translations of μισέω in the Vulgate and in the previous versions of the Vetus Latina. The semantic and syntactic differences between odio habeo and odio sum, on the one hand, and between these two collocations and the verb odi, on the other, constitute other purpose of this paper: whereas odio sum is the lexical expression of the passive of odi, odio habeo shares contexts with odi, but in complementary distribution.

The main purpose of this research is to show the similarities and differences between the comparisons of Gunthamund, Telamon and an anonymous uir fortis with lions in Dracontius’ poems and the similes related with them within the precedent literary tradition. Once established that the presence of certain quotes from Latin classical literature in this African poet’s texts is mediated by the previous appropriation of those same lines by other Christian authors in their works, we will examine the relationship between the sense implicit in the three similes proposed by Dracontius and their different narrative contexts.

In 409/411 began the process that would change Gallaecia into the Germanic kingdom of the Sueves. After a series of challenges, mainly from Vandals and Visigoths, they established themselves as the sole rulers of Gallaecia until their defeat in 585 at the hands of the Visigothic Arian, King Leovigild. Within this milieu the Church gradually led the Sueves out of paganism and Arianism to the Catholic faith notably under St. Martin of Braga in the sixth century. In 589 Hispania underwent a significant change when King Reccared at the Third Council of Toledo abjured Arianism thus making all of Hispania Catholic. To understand how the Gallaecian Church led by the bishops of Dumium/ Braga fared under the Visigothic rulers of Toledo we will consider the ecclesial-political background up to 585/589. The study will close with the Third Council of Braga (675) and the many councils that met in Hispania to assess the place and role of all the bishops from Gallaecia.

A New Manuscript of the Vita vel Passio sancti Pelagii from the Portugal National Library.

This article deals with the study of the early printed tradition of Martial and it is focused on the partial edition of the Epigrammata made in the printing house of Juan de Burgos in 1490, preserved in a single copy (Évora, BPE Inc. 299). It constitutes the first printed testimony of the work of Marcial in the Iberian Peninsula and one of the few incunable editions of this author made outside Italy. The analysis of Martialis’ Italian printed tradition between 1470 and 1490 leads to identify two groups of editions that are more common in this period: one linked to the edition of Merula (Venice, c. 1472), and the other derived from the edition of Calderini (Venice,bishop/bishop/ 1480). The collation of the Burgos printing with these editions allows to conclude that the Burgos edition depends on the group of editions of Calderini, and, more specifically, on the Venetian edition printed by Thomas de Blavis in 1482, which constitutes the model on which the Burgos edition has been based.

This paper presents a philological analysis of the only early edition of Terence’s plays printed in the Iberian Peninsula: the incunable of Comoediae Terentii, and of the commentaries of Donatus and Calfurnio (on Heaut.), printed in Barcelona in 1498 by the printer Johann Rosenbach. The paper sets the edition in its cultural context and examines its relationship with other incunabula of Terence’s plays; it establishes close connections with a specific group of these. The collation lets us conclude that Rosenbach’s edition took as its model the edition printed in 1495 in Venice by Simon Bevilaqua.

Recent seismic catalogues include a surprisingly high number of earthquakes and tsunamis in the Iberian Peninsula during antiquity. The Monarchia Lusytana (1597-1609) by the Portuguese historian Bernardo de Brito is identified in this essay as the primary source for the catastrophic events dated between the Second Punic War and late antiquity in those catalogues. Brito includes catastrophic episodes in 216 BC, 63 BC, 55 BC, 47 BC, 33 CE and c. 365 CE. Greek and Roman references for some of these catastrophic events are revised, the role played by spurious sources, such as Laimundo Ortega and Pedro Aladio, is addressed, and the purpose and function of these cataclysms within the Monarchia Lusytana is discussed.

In this contribution, I show how the study and practice of mathematics in Portugal in the 17^th and 18^th centuries was framed within the development of the SJ mission of the “padroado”, especially in that of China; visibly also books and personal curricula were involved in it. In the 17^th cent., mainly “foreign” Jesuits - but not exclusively - were involved in it (Indipetae, in Coimbra, Lisbon, etc.), side by side with Portuguese personalities (Cassão, Francisco Pereira, e.g.); since the end of the 17^th century, with Tyrsus Gonzalez’ intervention and a successive reorganization of mathematical instruction in Lisbon, etc., Portuguese involvement augmented significantly, as a prosopographical list proves it, even if not all of them were appreciated by their European colleagues in China.

In The Suppliant Women, the Argive men, who once attacked Thebes, rest on that land for some time, while their mothers and children ask for the restitution of the bodies before Theseus. We introduce the study of the expressions of violence from the view point of the catastrophes - punctual fact - and of the calamities - prolonged suffering, to finally, reach the conclusions.

This paper is aimed to showing how in Acharnians the bellicose Lamachus is marked as a grotesque parody of the noble Homeric models. This aspect involves the temathic level concerning food as well.

The Cipus episode must be understood in literary terms as a mythologiza-tion of Julius Caesar previous to his apotheosis, just as the Aesculapius episode constitutes a mythologization of Augustus. The purpose is to allude in a mythologized way to two episodes of Caesar’s political life: the rejection of the royal emblems first from the Senate and then from Antonius in the Lupercalia (Suet. Iul. 79.2). But, although the most central aspect of this representation of history is the device per se, it is possible to see also a reflection on monarchy in the history of Rome, which functions as a significant interpretation of the recent history: the monarchic legacy, which evokes not only Tarquinus but also Numa, should not be understood as a mistake and Cipus and Caesar, unlike Augustus, failed to assume it, even though Ovidian (Numan) conception of monarchy is problematically applied to Augustus.

The Egyptian goddess Isis is described by written sources as a powerful deity whose scope encompassed many of the most important areas of human beliefs. The image of the deity was a vehicle for transmission of the same religious messages included in religious texts. In this sense, it is of particular interest the description of the goddess appearing to Lucius in the Metamorphoses of Apuleius. The purpose of this work is to deepen the symbolism that conveys one of the most significant elements of the Isiac description, her celestial cloak, through information provided by Egyptian and Graeco-Latin sources.

Müller’s brand-new commentary on the grand finale of Juvencus’ trail-blazing versification of the Gospels argues that scelerata should be emended at 4.595 and 4.643. The present note adduces evidence to show that in both of these passages the paradosis is sound.

In this paper, I argue that the structure of Claudian’s mythological poemDe raptu Proserpinae is more closely integrated than it is generally considered to be in most of the relevant literature. I have taken a number of situational and verbal parallels intoconsideration, which are found in the epic’s verses. In my opinion, these parallels connect some important passages together. Firstly, I direct my attention to passages which show a correlation between the feelings, physical symptoms and gestures of the mother, the goddess Ceres, and her daughter Proserpine (1.190-191, 1.265-266 and 2.248-249, 3.425-426, 3.149-150). Next, I draw a comparison between the mother’s soliloquy (3.420-427) and Proserpine’s monologue (3.97-106). These two episodes are linked together by several verbal parallels and constitute a quasi-dialogue (the daughter’s reproaches and the mother’s answer). Besides this, in the text there are a number of additional verbal parallels which indicate a correspondence between some sentences and episodes, and these are useful in that they attract our attention to the irony intended by the poet.

This contribution discusses the “metagrammatical” exposition at the outset of book 2 of Julian of Toledo’s Ars grammatica, which presents a number of interpretive diffi-culties. In the exposition at issue, Julian deals with what he calls the two partes grammaticae, partly on the basis of a passage in Pompeius’ commentary on Donatus. The exposition provides valuable information on the pedagogical context in which Julian’s grammar was conceived and used, and bears further testimony to the growing and eventually predominant authority of Donatus in the late antique and early medieval pedagogy of Latin grammar