Scriptorium

A partire da una lettera indirizzata da Giorgio conte di Corinto al cardinale Marcello Cervini nel 1551 ho proceduto a una revisione del soggiorno veneziano di Giorgio (1540-1560), all’esame dei suoi rapporti con il mondo erudito romano e alla ricostruzione dei suoi tentativi per entrare in contatto con la Curia Romana. L’attribuzione a lui di un piccolo lotto di codici vaticani permette poi di individuare i caratteri paleografici della sua mano e di riconoscere in lui il Correcteur A dei codici greci di Johann Jakob Fugger. Viene così ricostruita la sua importante attività editoriale sulla scena veneziana ed europea a cavallo del XVI secolo.

Starting from a letter addressed by Georgios, Count of Corinth, to Cardinal Marcello Cervini in 1551, I proceeded to review Giorgio's Venetian stay (1540-1560), examine his relationships with the Roman scholarly world and reconstruct his attempts to get in touch with the Roman Curia. The attribution to him of a small group of Vatican codices then allows us to identify the paleographic characters of his hand and to recognize him as the Correcteur A of Johann Jakob Fugger's Greek codices. His important publishing activity on the Venetian and European scene at the turn of the 16th century is thus reconstructed.

This paper offers a study of the manuscript production of the so-called Anonymus 11 Harlfinger. Based on palaeographic, historical and philological evidence, the authors sketch a biographical profile of the anonymous scribe. They show that he lived mainly in the Genoese territories of the north-eastern Aegean and was closely connected to intellectual circles in Constantinople in the first half of the 15th century. Finally, the authors provide strong evidence for the identification of Anonymus 11 Harlfinger with Ioannes, a correspondent and pupil of Georgios Scholarios. Furthermore, they support the hypothesis, already put forward by Thierry Ganchou, that Ioannes, the student of Scholarios, could be the historian Ioannes Kanaboutzes.

En 1220, à Marseille, un médecin anglais du nom de Guillaume met la dernière main à un petit traité d'astrologie médicale au titre provocateur : en le baptisant De urina non visa, « Sur l'urine non vue », il se propose de démontrer la complémentarité de la médecine et de l'astrologie, voire la supériorité de cette dernière, en suggérant que le médecin pose diagnostic et pronostic non en examinant les urines du patient, mais en observant l'état du ciel au moment de la consultation, muée en interrogation astrologique. L'opuscule eut une fortune diverse et fut abondamment copié, plagié, intentionnellement ou non, abrégé ou traduit. Très populaire dans des milieux divers (universités, laïcs cultivés, milieux religieux, notamment mendiants), il continua d'exercer une forte attraction au début de l'époque moderne. Cet article se propose de revenir sur un inventaire des manuscrits publié en 2011 et de dresser un bilan des témoins de la postérité du De urina non visa entre XIII^e et XVI^e s.

In 1220, in Marseilles, an English doctor named Guillaume put the finishing touches to a small treatise on medical astrology with a provocative title : by baptizing it De urina non visa, « On Urine not seen », he intended to demonstrate the complementarity of medicine and astrology, even the superiority of the latter, by suggesting that the doctor could make a diagnosis and prognosis not by examining the patient's urine, but by observing the state of the sky at the time of the consultation, transformed into an astrological interrogatio. The booklet had a varied fortune and was abundantly copied, plagiarized, intentionally or not, abridged or translated. Very popular in various circles (universities, educated lay people, religious circles, especially friars), he continued to exert a strong attraction at the beginning of the modern era. This article aims to return to an inventory of manuscripts published in 2011 and to draw up an assessment of the witnesses of the posterity of De urina non visa between the 13th and 16th centuries.

Die zahlreichen Handschriften, die während des Konzils von Basel (1431-1449) in Basel entstanden sind, wurden aus paläographischer und kodikologischer Sicht bislang noch wenig erforscht. In diesem Beitrag wird zuerst eine Definition des Begriffs «Konzilshandschriften» vorgeschlagen. Anschließend wird die Konzilshandschrift, die der Kölner Pfarrer Henricus de Judaeis 1442 für sich in Basel in Auftrag gegeben hat, beschrieben und ausgewertet. An dritter Stelle erfolgt eine Darstellung der Produktion von Handschriften mit den Acta et decreta concilii Basiliensis im Auftrag einzelner Konzilsteilnehmer in einem mutmaßlichen Scriptorium, das der Kanzlei des Basler Konzils angebunden war. Kurze Beschreibungen von 32 Handschriften, die diesem Scriptorium zugeschrieben werden, beschließen diesen Aufsatz.

The numerous manuscripts, written in Basel during the Council (1431-1449), have so far found little attention from palaeographers and codicologists. In this contribution is firstly proposed a definition of «Konzilshandschriften» («Council Manuscripts»). This proposal is followed by a description and analysis of the Council Manuscript that Henricus de Judaeis, parish priest in Cologne, ordered for himself in Basel in 1442. The third section contains a presentation of the production of manuscripts containing the Acta et decreta concilii Basiliensis on behalf of single participants at the Council in a Scriptorium attached to the Council’s Chancery. Short descriptions of 32 manuscripts attributed to this Scriptorium conclude this contribution.

Cet article étudie la façon dont les usagers du livre médiéval, surtout occidental mais pas seulement, ont maintenu leur parchemin à plat ou leur livre ouvert : gestes, objets, techniques sont étudiés à travers l’iconographie, les objets conservés et le vocabulaire, avec des hypothèses sur le sens de quelques termes mal compris et l’usage réel de certains dispositifs.

This article examines the way in which medieval book users, especially but not only in the West, kept their parchment flat or their book open : gestures, objects and techniques are studied through iconography, preserved objects and vocabulary, with hypotheses about the meaning of some misunderstood terms and the actual use of certain devices.

L’article propose une présentation et une description des contenus du manuscrit Torino, B iblioteca N azionale U niversitaria, L .I.7-8-9, u ne s omme a rthurienne en trois volumes axée autour du Cycle de Guiron le Courtois réalisée vers 1470 pour Jacques d’Armagnac, qui a été fortement endommagé lors de l’incendie de la bibliothèque en 1904 et restauré entre 1933 et 1970 par l’atelier d’Erminia Caudana. La reconstruction des contenus et de l’ordre des feuillets du manuscrit est permise à la fois par la parution d’une édition intégrale du cycle guironien, par l’identification de manuscrits proches et par l’existence de notes prises par le philologue italien Pio Rajna quelques décennies avant l’incendie.

This papers offers a description and a presentation of the textual contents of ms. Torino, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, L.I.7-8-9, an Arthurian summa in three volumes based on the Guiron le Courtois cycle, which was manufactured around 1470 for Jacques d’Armagnac. This manuscript, which was unfortunately badly damaged by the infamous fire that destroyed the library in 1904, has been restaured between 1933 and 1970 at Erminia Caudana’s workshop. Reconstructing the contents of the manuscript, and the order of its folios, is now possible thanks to the restauration, but also to the publication of a the critical edition of the whole Guiron le Courtois cycle, as well as the identification of manuscripts closely related to L.I.7-8-9 and the study of notes taken by Pio Rajna a few decades before the fire.

Il contributo presenta due nuovi frammenti del Codex Iustinianus, provenienti da un ms. di ambito centro-italiano del sec. XII in. e riferibili, dal punto di vista testuale, alla cosiddetta « epitome aucta » espressione del rinascimento giuridico italiano.

The article presents two new and rare fragments of the Codex Iustinianus, coming from a central Italian ms. from the beginning of the twelfth century and referable to the so-called « epitome aucta » expression of the Italian legal renaissance.

Le manuscrit Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV), Vat. lat. 636 (fin XIIe siècle) est connu comme l’un des témoins des Mirabilia Urbis Romae, dont des extraits sont inscrits sur les feuilles 125v–127v. En vérité, il s’agit des extraits du Liber Politicus, oeuvre compilée par le chanoine Benoît de Saint-Pierre 1140–1143. Le manuscrit constitue donc l’un des témoins les plus anciens de cette compilation, dont l’intégralité n’est transmise que dans Cambrai, Le Labo, 554 (deuxième moitié du XIIe siècle). Selon un ex-libris (f. 127) exécuté par la même main qui a transcrit les extraits du Liber Politicus, le manuscrit BAV, Vat. lat. 636 appartenait à l’abbaye cistercienne d’Esrum au Danemark. Cet article examine la transmission du Liber Politicus au Danemark, ainsi que les rapports entre le manuscrit danois et le manuscrit à Cambrai. Il est proposé que ce dernier ait pu appartenir à l’abbaye cistercienne française de Mores avant d’arriver à Cambrai.

The manuscript Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV), Vat. lat. 636 (late twelfth century) is regarded as one of the witnesses of Mirabilia Urbis Romae, excerpts of which are transcribed on f. 125v–127v. In reality, the excerpts in question are from the Liber Politicus, a work compiled by the canon Benedict of Saint Peter 1140–1143. The manuscript thus constitutes one of the oldest witnesses of this compilation, the entirety of which is only transmitted in Cambrai, Le Labo, 554 (second half of the twelfth century). According to an ex libris (f. 127) executed by the same scribe who wrote the excerpts from the Liber Politicus, the manuscript BAV, Vat. lat. 636 belonged to the Cistercian abbey of Esrum in Denmark. This article examines the transmission of the Liber Politicus to Denmark, as well as well as the relationship between the Danish manuscript and the manuscript in Cambrai. It is suggested that the latter may have belonged to the French Cistercian abbey of Mores prior to its arrival in Cambrai.