Antiquité Tardive - Late Antiquity - Spätantike - Tarda Antichità

Between the 4^th and 5^th centuries BC, the use, management and hierarchies of Roman roads changed. In particular, at that period the itineraria (Antonini, Burdigalense and Tabula Peutingeriana) and the milestones, together with the literary texts, attest on one hand the vitality of roads due to military and pilgrimage purposes, on the other hand the problems regarding their maintenance.

The milestones from the Tetrarchic period became acts of tribute to the emperors by the local jurisdictions (cf. text in dative and the decrease of mileage indication), demonstrating a different management of the roads. In fact, the dedications to the central power may indicate a new role of the provinces/towns in the maintenance and care of the roads passing through their territory, together with the voluntary declaration of loyalty and devotion to the emperors.

In the context of the late antique political transformations, deep changes are observed in the hierarchy between the roads, strictly related to the changes of urban and rural settlement: between the 4^th and 5^th centuries a few roads lost their importance, in favour to others (such as waterways) which before had had only a secondary use. The paper explains the phenomenon, and in Roman Cisalpina in particular. [Author]

The literary, epigraphic and archaeological testimonies relating to the circulation across the vast Roman frontier of Africa Proconsularis, dating back to the period between the 3^rd century and the time of Augustine of Hippo, are regularly taken to support the hypothesis of specific devices intended to control the entry points into the Empire. The analysis of this evidence becomes all the more crucial as no written testimony provides proof of a general Roman doctrine regarding formalities related to the crossing of the limits of Roman territory. The interpretation of the African documentation remains debatable, however. The new examination undertaken through this study aims at establishing the reality and the extent of an official control at the boundaries of the province during Late Antiquity. [Author]

The cursus publicus was streamlined during Diocletian's reign (see Lemcke 2016); it was born from the transformation of the vehiculatio that was created by Augustus. The ancient system in the 4^th century did not provide the new requirements of transportation and the increased needs of communication between the Emperor and the provincials. The author examines the new system, the usage rights, the users, and the infrastructures in the perspective of their effective and integral tool for the Roman administration. It is clear the system was not a postal service, as it has been often presented. The development of the cursus publicus is studied from the late Tetrarchy to the 6^th century, through three principal steps.

The supplement to paper aims to study the milestone of Pistunina-Messina (inv. ME 22391), the only extant copy of imperial period in Sicily. It is a very important archaeological evidence of the dynastic politic propaganda of Constantine. The inscription partly mutilated is a dedication to the Emperor and likely to two Caesares, Crispus and Constantine the Second, between 321 and 324 AD. The milestone was connected also with the road networks, the stations of cursus publicus, the econ omic system and the Sicilian provincial administration. [Author]

Late antique itineraries and juridical sources show that both the Roman road system and the related post stations network were still active in Late Antiquity. Roads and stations were primarily used by public officers travelling under the aegis of the cursus publicus, but literary sources confirm that they were also used by private people, travelling for different purposes.

Many different words (mansio, stathmos, statio, mutatio, deversorium, praetorium, etc.) indicate the places used by travellers for resting and, if the case, for changing horses, pack- and draught-animals. Unfortunately, this relative abundance of written sources is not paralleled by a similar amount of archaeological data, since the archaeological research agenda had only just recently focused on "minor" settlements located along the roads. While many smaller or larger archaeological sites located along the roads have been tentatively recognised as places associated with post station functions, mainly on the basis of their toponymy, we still lack a proper research framework to archaeologically identify such a function. A more or less close relationship with a road pathway, the presence of a large paved courtyard surrounded by stables and warehouses, the existence of a baths building or a larger, isolated, thermal complex seem to be assumed as possible archaeological indicators of a site that performed the function of resting place, may be in association with other functions as well.

Despite of the difficulty in precisely identifying the place and the typology of any single part of the system, the road stations network provides on the whole a very interesting study case for an experiment of contextual archaeology, intended to evaluate the role that those settlements had within the scenery presented by the overall transformation of landscapes and the settlement patterns in Late Antiquity. [Author]

Since the second half of the 4^th century, the transportation system of the whole empire started to undergo transformations and adaptations. In the first phase, these changes can mainly be seen in the infrastructures of road stations and other stopping places. In most cases these consisted in creating Christian places of worship in the immediate vicinity of the complex which offered services to road traffic. Already during the same 4^th century, however, a growing interest in the system of communication networks was noticeable on the part of the Church. This interest was initially implemented only in a set of recommendations for Christian travellers, with regard to increasing the number of Christian hosts to house the faithful during their pilgrimage journey. At the same time, the Church, through its representatives from the clergy, the monks, and many of the élites of the Christian community, and even of the Imperial family, started creating buildings for use in assisting the pilgrims and other kinds of travellers. In a rather short period of time, already before the mid-5^th century, the Church was thought of as the institution in charge of managing the road transport system. [Author]

What happened to the Mediterranean harbour installations after the Imperial period? How can we interpret that qualitative and, at least in part, quantitative, collapse which appears from a superficial analysis of the archaeological remains? Does the problem of the lack of visibility of the evidence for late antique harbour contexts – caused by both natural and anthropic phenomenona effecting their disappearance whether due to their lesser monumentaly, hence less striking construction techniques – exist? Is it possible, in the end, that the knowledge of harbour engineering, developed after the Augustan period, due especially to the use of concrete with pozzolana, was lost or no longer used? Having provided an overview of the results of recent investigations that have focused on a number of Mediterranean harbours built in the Late Antique period and the Late Antique phases of harbour contexts founded in the imperial period, this article wishes to go beyond the traditional approach, founded on the concept of the "decline" of the functionality and of the monumentality of the harbours, based often only on traditional sources. Taking into consideration obviously the deep technological and topographical differences of harbours in the two halves of the Mediterranean, and using, for comparison the insediative logic of harbours of the North European coastal landscape, we analyse the processes that occurred in the Mare Nostrum in a phenomenon marked by the physical remodeling of the harbours for reduced necessities, both of functional type and especially of ideological type. We intend thus to consider this shift as a sort of return to "normality" and the late antique period, here under special scrutiny, appears once again as a crucial moment where such landscapes are evident. In this period, indeed, we record opposite signs of behaviour, which range from the extreme of new harbour models closer to those of the ancient world to the return to a widespread, and almost total, use of the wood. However this recovery of the "normality" uses at least part of the now unnecessarily imperial installations and, in case of the foundation of new harbours, uses techniques and materials that are less monumental but no less functional than those of earlier times, at least with regard to their reduced needs. [Author]

Studies of transport methods during Late Antiquity make it possible nowadays to overcome the generally accepted views on harness, stirrup or saddle. For forty years now, scholars have been able to demonstrate how capable the Romans were in the West in making use of equids for transport. Indeed, by analysing and cross-checking literary, iconographical and archaeological data, it seems that this period is marked by numerous advances, and even if this was relatively slow, there was continuous progress. Thus, the Middle Ages should no longer be considered the period of "major innovations", raising horse-riding to new heights with respect to Antiquity. This article aims to describe specific horse equipment for the saddle, stirrups and for the harness during Late Antiquity in the West, showing their efficiency as well as their flaws and also presents some rare iconographic documents of the period concerning this theme. [Transl. by the Redaction]

Assaults and murders of travellers by bandits are frequently mentioned in the sources of the 4^th and beginning of the 5^th century, especially in patristics. However, this risk seems to have been overemphasized by bishops and hagiographical writers for rhetorical and moral reasons, even if it caused real anxiety to travellers. Only temporary closures of communication on major roads were perceived by contemporary authors as a real concern. The perception of some cases of regional banditry, often linked to military disorder or local subsistence crises, will be discussed for Thracia in 378, the vicinity of Rome in 382-383, and of Antioch in 385-387, and the regions surrounding Isauria in 403-407. The State punctually enforced measures supposed to limit these assaults. It restricted, for example, the use of horses and weapons in Campania in 365, and enabled in 391 travellers to kill their aggressors without restriction, widening the right of self-defence. [Author]

The foundation of Constantinople as a new or second capital of the Roman Empire brought about a change in the orientation of the movements of the imperial court. These movements are mainly known to us through the legal documentation, since emperors on the move enacted a large number of laws of which a small part has been preserved in the two legal compilations of late Antiquity, the Theodosian Code and the Justinian Code. Even though these preserved laws do not necessarily represent the emperors’ day to day activity, they constitute nevertheless the primary source of information for reconstructing the geography and chronology of their travels, for which Constantinople was the hub, since the city stood exactly between the Danubian and Euphrates frontiers. By the end of the 4^th century, official trips were limited to the regions close to the capital and, after 450, to the vicinity of Constantinople. This progressive sedentarisation of imperial power represented a concentration of authority and did not in any way manifest its impotence. [Author]

One of the reasons that led to a long journey during Late Antiquity was the attraction of the Holy Land, towards which the religious aspirations of the faithful converged from all over the Empire from the time of the Peace of the Church. So many journeys emphasized the pilgrims’ concern to be closer to God by approaching places made sacred by the memory of a biblical story or by the presence of a martyr’s tomb. This practice, coupled with the expansion of the cult of relics, was a major element that contributed to the creation of sacred spaces in the Christian Near East. This article proposes to address this phenomenon in the light of archaeology. It aims to offer a comprehensive reading of pilgrimage-related remains to consider what they tell us about this particular category of travellers. [Author]

Sidonius travelled extensively. We can arrange his movements into four types: the official journey or one related to public life (trips to Rome, Arles and Toulouse); the pastoral journey (once he became bishop); the social trip (to visit friends); the forced journey (his journey into exile in 475). The letters of Sidonius (his poems are of little use for the subject at hand here) are artistic letters, which often exclude prosaic and concrete details and veil the reality under literary reference. They often frustrate us by omitting material aspects that we would expect. However there is a lot more information than is generally thought, as we try to demonstrate in an analysis of the letter I, 5, where Sidonius describes his trip from Lyon to Rome in 467. [Author]

The Vita Germani, the hagiography of Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, was written by Constantius of Lyon around 475-480 and commissioned by Patiens, bishop of Lyon. It deals with the many ecclesiastical missions and extensive travels which Germanus accomplished both within and beyond the borders of Gaul. In Constantius’ account, Germanus’ travels are the narrative structure within which his many miracles are described, in order to sketch a model of episcopal holiness befitting the purposes of his church. In this paper I will examine Germanus’ travels within Gaul, specifically the journey from Auxerre to Arles, and that to the Alpine pass which he crossed in his last journey to Ravenna. [Author]

The theme of the journey and the figure of the poet-traveller hold an important place in the poetic work of the Christian and Italian poet Venantius Fortunatus who came to Gaul in the 560s, in the Merovingian period, where he was to spend the rest of his life. In the Carmina and in Vita Martini, apart from the importance of the rhetoric, spiritual and meta-poetic topos of the poet-traveller, generic variations on the theme of the journey must be added, since this can take the form of a letter, elegy or even an epic. The theme of the journey in Fortunatus culminates in the book relating the journey which completes the Vita Martini: the book indeed concludes by the return to Italy which Fortunatus never lived to see again. Hence, the theme of the journey in Fortunatus is as much involved in a self-building as in the execution of a poetic work in which the figure of the poet-traveller may be one of the keys. [Transl. by the Redaction]

Colomban quitta le monastère de Bangor, en Irlande du Nord, aux environs de 590 et mourut à Bobbio en 615. Entre ces deux dates, il voyagea beaucoup dans le royaume des Francs. Ses plus importants déplacements sont rapportés en détail dans la Vita Columbani écrite par Jean de Bobbio, qui donne de précieuses informations sur les modes de transport, notamment à travers le voyage que Colomban entreprit de Luxeuil à Nantes et de Nantes en Austrasie jusqu’à Bregenz aux environs de 610. Jean livre également d’importants témoignages de son propre voyage de Bobbio à Suse et de Bobbio à Rome. Son récit nous éclaire sur les routes et les rivières en lien avec les voyages durant la fin du VI^e et le début du VII^e siècle. Ces informations peuvent notamment être confrontées aux témoignages archéologiques concernant la navigation sur la Loire et le Rhin à l’époque romaine tardive. [Trad. de la Rédaction]

After some remarks on the relation that links travel and literature together, and a short investigation of the vocabulary of travel, which reveals some interesting symbolic meanings, the paper considers how the journey is represented in some literary texts dating back to Late Antiquity. The symbolic meaning of the travel can be examined with reference to the ideas of time and space (because of its direction and the timing of its stages), centre and periphery, identity and difference, flight and return, sedentariness and nomadism, truth and fiction, reality and imagination, and so on. In the case of Christianity, it widely enriched the symbolism of travel and journeys: they became a metaphor for the entire life and represented the human road to heaven, namely through pilgrimage and preaching. Journeys preserved their symbolic meanings for pagans, too, especially with respect to the emperors’ journeys and celebration of triumphs. Travelling was also typical of many barbarian tribes: their nomadism was felt to be just the opposite of the Romans’ sedentarism. Finally, travelling has an important symbolic function in the descriptions of imaginary places and especially of the heavens, both in Christian and pagan literature: the journey, which usually aims at a joining together, can also emphasize the differences and the distance and keep ideal places and reality apart. [Author]

We here consider the principal evidence for the representation of journeys, both on monumental and movable items, in pagan and profane as well as, of course, Christian contexts, where they numerically dominate, though are not so widespread. It appears that a true documentary aspect of these representations is rather limited, due to the frequent repetition of more or less ancient models. Only the military movements on the column of Arcadius and the translation of relics on an ivory plaque now preserved in Trier positively stand apart in this respect. Otherwise, it can be seen clearly enough that, in representing some of the travel related events – or any event interpretable as such –, the concern to emphasize the favour of a divine power was primarily behind what was depicted. [Author]

Discussions on Jesus’ family have led to animated debates both in Antiquity and in contemporary historiography. Due to the paucity of sources, historians have resorted to the wide range of materials available on that subject, including the tale about Mary in the Babylonian Talmud found in Shabbat 104b and in Sanhedrin 67a. Throughout the 20^th century, scholars have sought to understand in those texts the role of prominent figures, such as Ben Stada, Pantira or Pappos ben Yehuda; some of them have even tried to find trails of the historical Jesus. Recently, however, other historians have focused the analysis not on the historical Mary, but on Mary’s image in the Bavli, its motivations and its aims. Nevertheless, most scholars have held that the confusion that appears in the Talmudic text when explaining Jesus’ family was the result of rabbinical ignorance.

In this paper, we seek to demonstrate that the confusion apparent in b Shabbat 104b and in b Sanhedrin 67a is not a consequence of ignorance. It is, in fact, a discursive device oriented to: 1/desacralize Mary’s figure and, accordingly, that of Jesus; 2/invert the accusations of carnality and impudicity that had constructed the Adversus Iudaeos’ literature. Such position implies rabbinical knowledge of the Christian narrative, not only through the New Testament but also through direct interaction. This view is supported by the existence of an important degree of contact between Jews and Christians in the formative centuries of both talmudim, in agreement with current studies on the relations between both religious communities in the east of the Roman Empire and in the Sasanian Empire during Late Antiquity. [Author]

Typology and allegory pervade the preface of Prudentius’ Hamartigenia, which traces the origin of sin back to Cain’s sacrifice, wrong division, and fratricide. Typology links both Adam to Christ and Cain to Marcion, and allegory presents fratricide as an assault of the flesh upon the mind, her sister. But Marcion and his sacrifice are also types of Mani and the main rite of the Manichaean church, the sacred meal of the Electi. On the basis of contending churches, Prudentius deploys Manichaean concepts and images, only recognisable to initiates, and gives them a new meaning compatible to the Nicene faith. Manichaean readership is thus exhorted to conversion. This preface anticipates the themes and communicative approach of the subsequent Hamartigenia, and shows the influence of Ambrose’s De Cain et Abel and some of Augustine’s anti-Manichaean works. [Author]

Depuis 2011, le Projet germano-danois du quartier nord-ouest de Gerasa mène des recherches archéologiques sur la zone la plus élevée de l’ancienne ville enceinte. En 2014, les fouilles ont débuté sur la « terrasse orientale », qui s’étend sur environ 3 000 m² et surplombe l’Artémision d’époque romaine. Cette zone était recouverte par d’importants déblais qui enfermaient les vestiges d’un habitat domestique du début de l’époque islamique, détruit par le tremblement de terre de 749 et jamais réoccupé depuis. Une maison privée a été en partie fouillée (secteur K). Elle ne recouvre aucune phase ni romaine ni byzantine et a été abandonnée à la suite du tremblement de terre avec l’ensemble de son mobilier. L’absence de phases chronologiques antérieures, le mobilier ainsi que la destruction soudaine de cette habitation en font un exemple important qui permet d’entreprendre une étude des permanences et des changements de la culture matérielle de l’Antiquité tardive au début de l’époque islamique. L’habitat et les découvertes de ce secteur sont présentés ici pour la première fois et contextualisés dans l’arc chronologique des VII^e-VIII^e siècles. [Trad. de la Rédaction]

This article aims to provide the present known data for establishing the circulation on the outskirts of the village of Cularo, which had had a minor enclosure in the 3^rd century, and then became Gratianopolis with the rank of capital city at the end of the 4^th century. Grenoble/Gratianopolis is situated at the crossroads of three untameable rivers (the Isère, the Drac and the Verderet), and is hence not in favour of an easy circulation outside the town, on the left bank of the river Isère. The geographical and hydrological context of the site leads the author to analyse the floods that have marked the city over the centuries. In taking into account the archaeological observations of this phenomenon as well as the burial level on the right bank of the same river in the 4^th century, the author highlights the circulation level on that side, which is incompatible with the bridge situated upstream from the city. [Transl. by the Redaction]

Au cours des fouilles archéologiques de la partie nord-est du complexe du palais impérial à Sirmium (site 85), effectuées entre 2012 et 2015, 50 fragments de porphyre ont été découverts dans une couche de gravats qui s’étendait autour et à l’intérieur d’un bâtiment en forme de tholos, dont on avait constaté, en 2014, les empreintes des bases de quatre piliers massifs. Sur le sol du bâtiment, a été trouvée une monnaie de Maximien Hercule de l’an 301, indiquant que la construction s’est déroulée à l’époque de la première Tétrarchie. Après la conservation, la restauration et la reconstruction des fragments de porphyre, il est apparu clairement qu’il s’agissait de trois têtes humaines fragmentées, d’un buste posé sur un globe, d’un autre buste identique au précédent mais fragmenté, des parties d’une sculpture (?) et des fragments d’une structure architecturale. Ces trouvailles indiquent au moins deux étapes dans la mise en place de ces sculptures, qui étaient posées sur des consoles ou dans des niches du bâtiment en forme de tholos. La tête fragmentée d’un tétrarque, probablement Dioclétien ou Galère, appartient à la première étape ; l’autre tête représente une figure d’homme sans cheveux ni barbe, sans doute un prêtre égyptien. La tête fragmentée dont reste une partie du front et du sommet du crâne avec les contours des cheveux et d’un diadème consistant en deux rangs de perles, appartient à la deuxième étape, qui peut être liée à la construction d’un mur circulaire autour du bâtiment. Il est possible qu’il s’agisse du portrait de Constance II. La datation des bustes impériaux posés sur un globe reste difficile à préciser, étant donné qu’il s’agit d’exemplaires uniques.

Le bâtiment en forme de tholos et les sculptures de porphyre ont été détruits pendant le règne de Valentinien I^er à la fin du IV^e siècle, quand l’affectation de l’espace où le bâtiment se trouvait a été changée. La destruction définitive des sculptures en porphyre a été réalisée par les chrétiens, qui les associaient aux représentations de leurs persécuteurs, notamment Dioclétien et Galère. [Auteur]

Communément admise à la suite de J. Godefroy, la leçon signum dei d’un passage du panégyrique prononcé à Trèves en 313 (Pan. Lat. 12, 25) ne se vérifie pas dans les manuscrits par lesquels nous est parvenu ce texte. On maintient donc ici la leçon signum deae attestée dans au moins deux rameaux indépendants de la tradition manuscrite issue de l’archétype. Il n’y a, par contrecoup, aucune raison de penser à la dédicace d’une statue de Constantin représenté comme un dieu et d’interpréter l’épisode de manière religieuse. Ainsi que l’ont soutenu H. Grégoire et surtout M. Radnoti-Alföldi, le signum deae en question devait correspondre à une victoriola en or reproduisant la statue de la Victoire érigée à l’initiative d’Auguste dans la curia Iulia. La victoriola du Sénat, ainsi que le don d’une couronne et d’un bouclier à l’Italie, évoquaient de manière explicite les honneurs accordés à Auguste et son auto-présentation comme libérateur de la république dans les Res Gestae. Passés sous silence par Nazarius en 321, ces honneurs doivent être reliés à l’atmosphère festive de la libération de Rome du “tyran” Maxence. Comme cela devait apparaître plus clairement en 315 dans la dédicace de l’arc, le Sénat et les cités d’Italie proposaient au nouveau souverain des orientations politiques : quant au Sénat, la collaboration avec le prince ; et quant à l’Italie, la tutelle des autonomies municipales. Des dédicaces contemporaines effectuées à Cirta par d’éminents dignitaires africains reprennent le thème de l’imitatio Augusti attestée chez le panégyriste de 313 ; ce qui fait penser à l’accueil, par Constantin, des propositions sénatoriales et à leur diffusion dans les provinces par les voies de la propagande impériale. [Auteur]

Cet article s’attache à montrer que la christianisation de l’Égypte à l’époque tardo-antique représente une rupture fondamentale dans l’histoire culturelle du pays. Les tentatives récentes de trouver les traces de traditions égyptiennes dans la littérature chrétienne, l’art et les documents égyptiens de cette période sont dénués de fondement. Elles empruntent davantage aux présupposés des antiquisants et égyptologues modernes qu’aux véritables sources. L’histoire de l’Égypte de cette époque ne peut se comprendre que comme celle d’une composante d’un ensemble bien plus important, à savoir l’Empire romain tardif. [Trad. de la Rédaction]

L’article a pour objet le réexamen du témoignage fourni par la donation et le testament de Vincent de Huesca (VI^e siècle) à propos de l’esclavage. Afin d’arriver à une vision renouvelée de la pratique de l’esclavage dans l’Espagne wisigothique, la discussion porte essentiellement sur le peculium et la structure des familles serviles. En particulier, en comparant le document avec les sources d’époque romaine, on démontre que la servitude des esclaves mentionnés dans la donation et le testament est de même nature que celle des esclaves romains. On ne peut donc pas considérer ce document comme la preuve d’un changement dans les conditions du travail agricole des serui, ni ces serui comme des paysans indépendants ou des fermiers. Au contraire, les perspectives que le document ouvre à notre compréhension de la nature de l’esclavage dans l’Espagne wisigothique conduisent à nuancer l’idée d’une convergence, souvent postulée, du statut des esclaves et de celui des pauvres de condition libre, dans cette région à cette période. [Auteur]

Cette étude architecturale du seul monument tardo-antique de ce type en Arménie, l’église de plan hexafolié près du site d’Aragats, s’impose comme une nécessité pour mieux comprendre l’origine de ce parti. On s’accorde à faire remonter sa construction à la charnière des années 630-640 à partir de l’analyse de sa décoration. L’hypothèse formulée ici, selon laquelle le plan hexafolié tirerait son origine d’une importante construction de Constantinople, le martyrium Sainte-Euphémie, repose sur les études menées par H. Goldfus sur cet édifice. Cette construction intervient à un moment où les relations entre les élites politiques et religieuses d’Arménie et l’Empire byzantin deviennent étroites : les reliques d’Euphémie de Chalcédoine sont transférées à Constantinople en 628, et le Catholicos Yezr accepte les décisions du Concile de Chalcédoine en 631. Dans ce contexte, il est vraisemblable que le maître d’ouvrage arménien s’est alors tourné vers le modèle de Constantinople en lien avec le culte de la sainte en question. On examine également ici ce qui ressort de l’approche artistique de l’architecte d’Aragats en lien avec les formes intérieures de Sainte-Sophie de Constantinople. L’analyse du modèle de l’église d’Aragats permet donc de montrer la large portée géographique des relations dans l'architecture tardo-antique. Enfin, on insiste sur le caractère innovant du plan hexafolié d'Aragats et le rôle important de cette église dans le développement de l’architecture arménienne du VII^e siècle. [Trad. de la Rédaction].

Cet article est un nouvel examen de la Lettre austrasienne n° 2, adressée par Rémi, évêque de Reims, à Clovis, roi des Francs. Nous proposons une nouvelle transcription du texte, accompagnée d’une traduction et suivie d’une étude des interprétations proposées du Moyen Âge à nos jours, ainsi que d’un commentaire linéaire. La conclusion propose une révision radicale de la date et de la signification de la lettre. Nous démontrons que cette dernière ne doit pas être datée nécessairement du début du règne de Clovis, ni à la suite d’une campagne spécifique, et qu’elle ne peut être interprétée comme une preuve ni de la prise de contrôle par Clovis de l'administration de la province romaine de Belgique seconde, ni du fait qu'il aurait reçu de l'empereur une charge officielle. Nous affirmons que la lettre doit être datée de la fin du règne de Clovis et qu’elle doit être lue comme une preuve de continuité dans le style - plutôt que dans la substance - du gouvernement du monde romain. [Auteurs]

Histoire et archéologie de l'Antiquité tardive

Silke-Petra Bergjan, Beat Näf, Märtyrerverehrung im frühen Christentum. Zeugnisse und kulturelle Wirkungsweisen (Sylvain Destephen) ; Marco Buonocore (dir.), Gaetano Marini (1742-1815). Protagonista della cultura europea. Scritti per il bicentenario della morte (Isabelle Mathian) ; R.W. Burgess, M. Kulikowski, Mosaics of Time. The Latin Chronicle Traditions from the First Century BC to the Sixth Century AD, Volume I: A Historical Introduction to the Chronicle Genre from its Origins to the High Middle Ages (Vivien Essoussi) ; Gereon Siebigs, Kaiser Leo. Das oströmische Reich in den ersten drei Jahren seiner Regierung (Sylvain Destephen) ; Ville Vuolanto, Children and Asceticism in Late Antiquity. Continuity, Family Dynamics and the Rise of Christianity (Sylvain Destephen)

Régions

François Baratteet al., Basiliques chrétiennes d'Afrique du Nord, II, Monuments de la Tunisie (Jean-Pierre Caillet) ; Sabine Fialon, Jean Meyers (dir.), La Passio sanctae Salsae (BHL 7467). Recherches sur une passion tardive d'Afrique du Nord (Éric Fournier) ; Christina Maranci, Vigilant Powers: Three Churches of Early Medieval Armenia (Patrick Donabédian) ; Dietrich Willers, Bettina Niekamp, Der Dionysosbehang der Abegg-Stiftung (François Baratte)

Philologie et sources

Pauline Allen, Bronwen Neil (dir.), The Oxford Handbook of Maximus the Confessor (Sylvain Destephen) ; Jean Chrysostome, Homélies sur l'impuissance du diable, introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes par Adina Peleanu (Sylvain Destephen) ; Marie-France Guipponi-Gineste (dir.), La Renaissance de l'épigramme dans la latinité tardive, actes du colloque de Mulhouse (Laury-Nuria André) ; D. Hollard, F. López Sánchez, Le Chrisme et le Phénix. Images monétaires et mutations idéologiques au IV^e siècle (Jean-Marc Doyen) ; Joshua Lollar, To see into the life of things: the contemplation of nature in Maximus the Confessor and his predecessors (Pascal Mueller-Jourdan)